- Prof. Efraim Podoksik
Department of Political Science
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem, 91905
Israel - +972-2-5883273
Efraim Podoksik
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Political Science, Faculty Member
- Cambridge Alumni, Hughes Hall, Alumnusadd
- History of Political Thought, Political Philosophy, Michael Oakeshott, Georg Simmel, Intellectual History, German Intellectual History, and 18 moreBritish Intellectual History, History of concepts, Alexis de Tocqueville, Philosophy Of Freedom, Liberalism, Ferdinand Tönnies, Étienne de la Boétie, Thucydides, Liberty, Political Science, Oakeshott, Philosophy of Michael Oakeshott, Nationalism, Gabriel Tarde, Schopenhauer, Hobbes, Thomas Hobbes, and Arthur Schopenhaueredit
The significance of the German philosopher and social thinker, Georg Simmel (1858–1918), is only now being recognised by intellectual historians. Through penetrating readings of Simmel's thought, taken as a series of reflections on the... more
The significance of the German philosopher and social thinker, Georg Simmel (1858–1918), is only now being recognised by intellectual historians. Through penetrating readings of Simmel's thought, taken as a series of reflections on the essence of modernity and modern civilisation, Efraim Podoksik places his ideas within the context of intellectual life in Germany, and especially Berlin, under the Kaiserreich. Modernity, characterised by the growing differentiation and fragmentation of culture and society, was a fundamental issue during Simmel's life, underpinning central intellectual debates in Imperial Germany. Simmel's thought is depicted here as an attempt at transforming the complexity of these debates into a coherent worldview that can serve as an effective guide to understanding their main parameters. Paying particular attention to the genealogy and usage of the concepts of Bildung, culture and civilisation in Germany, this study offers contextual analyses of Simmel's philosophies of culture, society, art, religion and the feminine, as well as his interpretations of Dante, Kant, Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, Goethe and Rembrandt.
Research Interests: Intellectual History, German History, Friedrich Nietzsche, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Schopenhauer, and 14 moreModernity, Philosophy of Culture, Gender and Sexuality Studies, First World War, Aestheticism, Georg Simmel, Dante Alighieri, Kant & neo-Kantianism, Rembrandt, German Philosophy, Bildung, Classical sociology, Social Differentiation, and Cultural Pessimism
'Doing Humanities in Nineteenth-Century Germany', edited by Efraim Podoksik, is a collaborative project by leading scholars in German studies that examines the practices of theorising and researching in the humanities as pursued by German... more
'Doing Humanities in Nineteenth-Century Germany', edited by Efraim Podoksik, is a collaborative project by leading scholars in German studies that examines the practices of theorising and researching in the humanities as pursued by German thinkers and scholars during the long nineteenth century, and the relevance of those practices for the humanities today.
Each chapter focuses on a particular branch of the humanities, such as philosophy, history, classical philology, theology, or history of art. The volume both offers a broad overview of the history of German humanities and examines an array of particular cases that illustrate their inner dilemmas, ranging from Ranke’s engagement with the world of poetry to Max Weber’s appropriation of the notion of causality.
Each chapter focuses on a particular branch of the humanities, such as philosophy, history, classical philology, theology, or history of art. The volume both offers a broad overview of the history of German humanities and examines an array of particular cases that illustrate their inner dilemmas, ranging from Ranke’s engagement with the world of poetry to Max Weber’s appropriation of the notion of causality.
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Michael Oakeshott (1901–1990) was one of the leading British philosophers of the twentieth century. He has been influential particularly as a political philosopher, but his work reflects a range of philosophical interests that have more... more
Michael Oakeshott (1901–1990) was one of the leading British philosophers of the twentieth century. He has been influential particularly as a political philosopher, but his work reflects a range of philosophical interests that have more gradually come to be appreciated. In this volume a broad group of scholars offers a comprehensive overview of Oakeshott's philosophy, including his moral and political philosophy, his philosophy of history, science and aesthetics, and his views on the role of education. They analyse Oakeshott's ideas in different intellectual contexts and assess his overall contribution to twentieth-century thought. Accessible and rich with new scholarly material, this volume will be an excellent guide for students and scholars alike.
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Although Oakeshott’s philosophy has received considerable attention, the vision which underlies it has been almost completely ignored. This vision, which is rooted in the intellectual debates of his epoch, cements his ideas into a... more
Although Oakeshott’s philosophy has received considerable attention, the vision which underlies it has been almost completely ignored. This vision, which is rooted in the intellectual debates of his epoch, cements his ideas into a coherent whole and provides a compelling defence of modernity.
The main feature of Oakeshott’s vision of modernity is seen here as radical plurality resulting from ‘fragmentation’ of experience and society. On the level of experience, modernity denies the existence of the hierarchical medieval scheme and argues that there exist independent ways of understanding our world, such as science and history, which cannot be reduced to each other. On the level of society, modernity finds expression in liberal doctrine, according to which society is an aggregate of individuals each pursuing his or her own choices. For Oakeshott, to be modern means not only to recognise this condition of radical plurality but also to learn to appreciate and enjoy it.
Oakeshott did not think that it was possible to find a comprehensive philosophical justification for modernity, therefore the only way to preserve modern civilisation seemed to be an appeal to sentiment. As a consequence he was a passionate defender of liberal education as the best way to underwrite the ‘conversation of mankind.’
The main feature of Oakeshott’s vision of modernity is seen here as radical plurality resulting from ‘fragmentation’ of experience and society. On the level of experience, modernity denies the existence of the hierarchical medieval scheme and argues that there exist independent ways of understanding our world, such as science and history, which cannot be reduced to each other. On the level of society, modernity finds expression in liberal doctrine, according to which society is an aggregate of individuals each pursuing his or her own choices. For Oakeshott, to be modern means not only to recognise this condition of radical plurality but also to learn to appreciate and enjoy it.
Oakeshott did not think that it was possible to find a comprehensive philosophical justification for modernity, therefore the only way to preserve modern civilisation seemed to be an appeal to sentiment. As a consequence he was a passionate defender of liberal education as the best way to underwrite the ‘conversation of mankind.’
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Michael Oakeshott and Edward Shils are thinkers similar in many respects. They both belonged to the intellectual current of the post-war anti-totalitarianism that was characterised by the opposition to the idea of regulating society by... more
Michael Oakeshott and Edward Shils are thinkers similar in many respects. They both belonged to the intellectual current of the post-war anti-totalitarianism that was characterised by the opposition to the idea of regulating society by planning, by the rejection of ideological politics, and by the perception of similarity, if not identity, between the left-wing and right-wing radicalisms. They both occupied the conservative-liberal slot within the broad anti-totalitarian spectrum, combining their adherence to freedom and minimal state with their deep appreciation of tradition. At the same time, their different intellectual temperaments led them to opposite directions. Beneath Oakeshott’s apparent conservatism one often discovers an emancipatory and optimistic disposition grounded in his Romantic appreciation of radical individuality. Shils’ respectable liberalism, by contrast, often results in cultural pessimism and social conservatism.
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This article aims to situate Isaiah Berlin’s influential conceptualization of the liberal idea of liberty in negative terms in the history of political ideologies, thus contributing to the understanding of the development of liberalism as... more
This article aims to situate Isaiah Berlin’s influential conceptualization of the liberal idea of liberty in negative terms in the history of political ideologies, thus contributing to the understanding of the development of liberalism as an ideological tradition. More specifically, the article contributes to the understanding of two central themes in the ideological history of negative liberty. First, it shows that negative liberty has repeatedly served as an ideological weapon against radical democratic politics, while also pointing to an important shift in the manner of its employment: between the eighteenth and the twentieth centuries, we argue, negative liberty had turned from a deflationary device associated with excessive democracy into a moderate ideal endangered by totalitarian democracy. The second theme that we highlight and account for is the late development of the association of the liberal conception of liberty with the idea of negativity.
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The article aims at reconceptualisation of the notion of nation. It suggests that nation is a peculiar social phenomenon which can be conceptually distinguished from other kinds of social groups. Nation is a cultural community united by... more
The article aims at reconceptualisation of the notion of nation. It suggests that nation is a peculiar social phenomenon which can be conceptually distinguished from other kinds of social groups. Nation is a cultural community united by the belief in the possession of a common high culture, where high culture is understood as self-conscious activity of cultivation. Attaining such a culture requires personal effort and cannot be taken for granted, and therefore the nationʼs members are always aware to some degree of its ʻartificialityʼ. The phenomenon of nation is not confined to modern industrial societies, as high cultures were relatively broadly disseminated even in some pre-modern societies. Yet the modern circumstances are especially advantageous to the dissemination of high-culture identities and of nationalisms based on them.
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The purpose of this article is to expound parallels between Michael Oakeshott's and Arthur Schopenhauer's philosophical ideas. It is suggested that of all classical German Idealists, it is to Schopenhauer that Oakeshott's philosophy bears... more
The purpose of this article is to expound parallels between Michael Oakeshott's and Arthur Schopenhauer's philosophical ideas. It is suggested that of all classical German Idealists, it is to Schopenhauer that Oakeshott's philosophy bears most resemblance. This resemblance is discoverable in almost every theme with which the two philosophers are preoccupied. Thus they hold similar views with regard to the activity of philosophising; they are both rigorous critics of abstract thinking and rational morality; the peculiar way in which Oakeshott conceives modes of experience resembles Schopenhauer's notion of Ideas; there are important similarities between their aesthetic outlooks; and they both seem to espouse a sort of Hobbesian liberalism with regard to political theory. The article examines these similarities without however downplaying the differences between the two thinkers.
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Georg Simmel’s early sociological writings are usually analysed in terms of the development of his scientific approach to the study of society under the influence of Spencerian evolutionism and the German school of Völkerpsychologie. This... more
Georg Simmel’s early sociological writings are usually analysed in terms of the development of his scientific approach to the study of society under the influence of Spencerian evolutionism and the German school of Völkerpsychologie. This article offers an alternative interpretation. By analysing Simmel’s writings and placing them in the context of various idioms of the social thought of his time, it concludes that Simmel’s early sociology was first and foremost a cultural project, the main concern of which was to examine possibilities for the cultivation of individuality within modern social conditions.
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This essay explores the development of Georg Simmel's interpretation of Immanuel Kant's philosophy in the context of neo-Kantianism and its preoccupation with the question of unity in modern diversity. It argues that the neo-Kantian... more
This essay explores the development of Georg Simmel's interpretation of Immanuel Kant's philosophy in the context of neo-Kantianism and its preoccupation with the question of unity in modern diversity. It argues that the neo-Kantian movement can be divided into two periods: in the first, unity was addressed with regard to Kant's epistemology; in the second period, the main issue was the overall coherence of Kantian teaching. Simmel, who belonged to the younger generation of neo-Kantians, absorbed the conclusions of the previous generation that purged Kantian epistemology from its metaphysical foundations related to the noumenal world. Yet he did not share the views of his peers who considered Kant to be the philosopher of cultural plurality. On the contrary, he argued that Kant's system is thoroughly intellectualistic, and that ethics, aesthetics and religion within it are subordinated to logic. At the same time, his own philosophy presupposed cultural plurality akin to that of other neo-Kantians. In other words, Simmel abandoned Kant in order to develop his own version of neo-Kantianism.
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The article suggests that Simmel’s thought should be interpreted as a coherent series of continuous attempts to solve philosophically the dilemmas entailed in the German ideal of Bildung. By analysing Simmel’s three short essays on... more
The article suggests that Simmel’s thought should be interpreted as a coherent series of continuous attempts to solve philosophically the dilemmas entailed in the German ideal of Bildung. By analysing Simmel’s three short essays on Italian cities, and by placing them in the context of both his own intellectual development and the intellectual context of his time, the article will show how ideas expressed in these essays reflect this basic character of Simmel’s thought. In other words, far from being independent momentary images, Simmel’s essays on Italian cities reflect his concern with whether and how culture in general, and works of art in particular, may help modern personality reconcile itself with the world.
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It is often assumed that European thought contained several conceptually distinct and equally influential notions of liberty. The article challenges this perception, arguing that European history was dominated by one concept of liberty.... more
It is often assumed that European thought contained several conceptually distinct and equally influential notions of liberty. The article challenges this perception, arguing that European history was dominated by one concept of liberty. It attempts to show that the tendency to dismiss the idea of one concept of liberty is premature. Such an attitude is caused either by misplaced interpretations of ancient texts, by exaggerated historicism, or by an anachronistic reading of early modern political thought. The article suggests that the paradigm change is in order, and that the time is ripe for composing a history of one concept of liberty.
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The Cambridge School has been remarkably successful in its attempt to grasp the character of political thought in the early modern period on the basis of historical data, rather than quasi philosophical speculations. At the same time, it... more
The Cambridge School has been remarkably successful in its attempt to grasp the character of political thought in the early modern period on the basis of historical data, rather than quasi philosophical speculations. At the same time, it is questionable whether its research approach is suited to the study of later political thought. Still, the article argues, these difficulties are not insurmountable, and the Cambridge School can indeed serve as a model for historians of modern political thought.
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It is a common perception that the distinction between quantitative and qualitative individualism constitutes the basis of Georg Simmel's theory of individualism. Yet, by analyzing Simmel's writings on individualism and juxtaposing them... more
It is a common perception that the distinction between quantitative and qualitative individualism constitutes the basis of Georg Simmel's theory of individualism. Yet, by analyzing Simmel's writings on individualism and juxtaposing them with his theory of historical understanding, this article argues that Simmel formulated three, not two, forms of individualism, although the third one appears only in his later writings. This third variant is a certain radicalization of qualitative individualism, though it is a radicalization that transcends separate individuality and moves toward the notion of totality.
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The paper argues that modern political life faces a seemingly irresolvable contradiction. On the one hand, a moral judgement in politics can refer only to the consequences of any policy. On the other hand, in modern society no... more
The paper argues that modern political life faces a seemingly irresolvable contradiction. On the one hand, a moral judgement in politics can refer only to the consequences of any policy. On the other hand, in modern society no consequences can be reasonably predicted at the moment a decision is taken. This renders political life unbearable from the moral point of view, because almost any political decision is likely subject to failure in the future. The solution to this dilemma is to understand modern politics as a contract of fallibility, according to which citizens agree to withhold their moral judgements, as long as others do not act as if they assume their own infallibility. The adoption of such a theory might remove the sense of inescapable failure from ethically inclined political actors and emancipate our political discourse from irrational moralistic absolutism. In addition, the contract of fallibility can serve as the most economical justification of modern representative democracy.
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Widely considered a conservative British philosopher, this article presents Michael Oakeshott as, in fact, a critic of conservatism – in particular of the German conservative tradition, represented, among other thinkers, by Ferdinand... more
Widely considered a conservative British philosopher, this article presents Michael Oakeshott as, in fact, a critic of conservatism – in particular of the German conservative tradition, represented, among other thinkers, by Ferdinand Tönnies. This tradition was characterised by the rejection of modern individualistic society considered as an embodiment of alienating purpose-oriented rationalism. At a certain phase of his intellectual development Oakeshott himself came under the influence of this conservative critique, with ideas strikingly similar to those of Tönnies. Yet, unlike Tönnies, Oakeshott later rejected the premises of this tradition. Instead, he formulated the notion of rationalistic non-purposive association, which allowed him to become reconciled to modern liberal society.
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Thucydides is often seen as a detached observer of international affairs who perceived political life mainly in terms of power struggle. This article argues, however, that this interpretation is one-sided and that it ignores those moments... more
Thucydides is often seen as a detached observer of international affairs who perceived political life mainly in terms of power struggle. This article argues, however, that this interpretation is one-sided and that it ignores those moments in Thucydides’ work which reveal his preoccupation with considerations of justice and morality. Drawing on the findings of a number of scholars who have shown that Thucydides’ account of the Peloponnesian war is strongly biased towards the Athenian side, this article argues that the grounds of this bias should be sought not in Thucydides’ ‘realism’, but in his attachment to the ideal of Athens as a virtuous and just city. Consequently, his criticism of Athenian policies after Pericles refers not only to mistakes in political judgment, but also to the abandonment of that ideal.
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Jacob Talmon and Michael Oakeshott represent two opposite tendencies in the anti-totalitarian world view. Both thinkers share many central features of this broad intellectual trend, such as the equation between the Soviet and Nazi... more
Jacob Talmon and Michael Oakeshott represent two opposite tendencies in the anti-totalitarian world view. Both thinkers share many central features of this broad intellectual trend, such as the equation between the Soviet and Nazi regimes, Anglophilia and the rejection of the utopian quest. Yet this basic agreement should not distract us from significant differences in attitude and temperament. Talmon, like most other critics of totalitarianism, was strongly affected by the atmosphere of a profound intellectual and political crisis in Europe, and he regarded the danger of totalitarianism to be an inherent aspect of modernity itself. His liberalism was that of ‘fear’. By contrast, for Oakeshott, who believed in the strength of liberal, and specifically British, civilisation, totalitarianism was merely a child of resentment, a parasitic force with no positive message of its own. He thus displayed a greater measure of confidence in the fortunes of liberal modernity.
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Two ideas lie at the heart of Oakeshott’s philosophy: the notion of the inherent plurality of modern experience and the notion of a modern state as a purposeless civil association. These ideas signify Oakeshott’s rejection of the... more
Two ideas lie at the heart of Oakeshott’s philosophy: the notion of the inherent plurality of modern experience and the notion of a modern state as a purposeless civil association. These ideas signify Oakeshott’s rejection of the intellectual tradition of British Idealism by which he was influenced in his twenties. The breaking point was the publication of Experience and its Modes, although, with regard to social philosophy, the process of the abandonment of holistic Idealism lasted longer and was completed only with the publication of On Human Conduct. The main difference between Oakeshott and other British Idealists lies in his radical rejection of methodological holism. It is suggested that this rejection might be an outcome of influences of continental philosophical traditions, and that Oakeshott’s philosophy is especially indebted to the ideas of the fragmentation of experience prevalent in Central European Idealism, and particularly in neo-Kantianism.
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This article argues that Oakeshott's theory of freedom possesses a greater degree of coherence than is often perceived. Freedom in Oakeshott's philosophy may be defined as `recognized contingency', combining the notions of a genuine... more
This article argues that Oakeshott's theory of freedom possesses a greater degree of coherence than is often perceived. Freedom in Oakeshott's philosophy may be defined as `recognized contingency', combining the notions of a genuine choice of action and of an agent's awareness of having such a choice. Oakeshott employs his notion of freedom in two different contexts. One is the context in which freedom is understood as a concept distinguishing what is conceived as `human' from what is conceived as `non-human'. The other context is that of membership in societies, which under certain circumstances can be characterized either by the presence or the lack of freedom. The article argues that, while at first glance Oakeshott's ideas look counter-intuitive, at a deeper level this understanding of freedom is akin to that prevalent in the consciousness of modern liberal societies.
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Michael Oakeshott’s theory of aesthetic experience lies within the philosophical tradition that emphasises the idea of ‘disinterestedness’. Aesthetic delight is characterised by ‘contemplation’ of images and is devoid of any... more
Michael Oakeshott’s theory of aesthetic experience lies within the philosophical tradition that emphasises the idea of ‘disinterestedness’. Aesthetic delight is characterised by ‘contemplation’ of images and is devoid of any considerations in terms of usefulness or goodness. His ideas are close to those of ‘the art for art’s sake’ movement and of thinkers such as Kant, Schiller, and Bullough. Yet Oakeshott’s theory is ambiguous because, similar to Kant and Schiller, he admits the possibility of an indirect influence of the voice of poetry on the voice of practice.
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There are many important similarities between the philosophy of ethics of Georg Simmel in his later period and the philosophy of practice of Michael Oakeshott in his early and the first part of his middle period. Both thinkers argue that... more
There are many important similarities between the philosophy of ethics of Georg Simmel in his later period and the philosophy of practice of Michael Oakeshott in his early and the first part of his middle period. Both thinkers argue that morality is embedded in the immanent flow of life and regard the claims of the normative reflective morality as unsatisfactory for our understanding of moral conduct. Both see practical conduct as composed of two modes: the mode of reality and the mode of ‘ought’. And both emphasise the value of the integrity of one’s individuality. More generally, each thinker tried to reconcile the neo-Kantian approach with that of life-philosophy. Yet the direction of their intellectual development was different. Simmel moved away from neo-Kantianism towards life-philosophy which reflected his growing pessimism about modern civilisation. Oakeshott, by contrast, departed from life-philosophy back towards neo-Kantianism which reflected his growing acceptance of modernity.
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Estienne de La Boëtie’s essay De la servitude volontaire is known for its advocacy of freedom, its rejection of tyranny, and is usually perceived as a call for resistance against the rule of one. This article offers an alternative... more
Estienne de La Boëtie’s essay De la servitude volontaire is known for its advocacy of freedom, its rejection of tyranny, and is usually perceived as a call for resistance against the rule of one. This article offers an alternative interpretation of La Boëtie’s essay. His resentment of tyranny does not necessarily lead him to advocate disobedience. La Boëtie holds a very individualistic concept of freedom so radical that it does not fit within the humanistic political tradition. Freedom therefore remains merely an ideal for which no practical political application can be offered, and the enjoyment of spiritual freedom by an elite in the conduct of its own private life is perceived as the only possibility. The condition for the realisation of this private freedom is civil peace. Therefore La Boëtie is concerned with the preservation of peace, being opposed to any calls for public dissent.
L'essai d' Estienne de La Boëtie De la Servitude Volontaire est renommé pour sa defence de la liberté ainsi que son rejet de la tyrannie, et il est generalement perçu comme un appel à la résistance contre le regne d'un seul homme. Cet article propose une interprétation différente de cet essai. Le ressentiment de la tyrannie de La Boëtie ne l'ammène pas necessairement à recommender la revolte. Le concept de liberté que soutient La Boëtie est trop radical et individualiste pour appartenir à la tradition politique humaniste. La liberté reste donc un idéal qui ne renvoie à aucune application politique pratique, et seule est possible la liberté spirituelle d'une élite. La condition d'une telle liberté est la paix civile. En consequence, La Boëtie tient à preserver la paix, et s'oppose à tout appel à la revolte publique.
L'essai d' Estienne de La Boëtie De la Servitude Volontaire est renommé pour sa defence de la liberté ainsi que son rejet de la tyrannie, et il est generalement perçu comme un appel à la résistance contre le regne d'un seul homme. Cet article propose une interprétation différente de cet essai. Le ressentiment de la tyrannie de La Boëtie ne l'ammène pas necessairement à recommender la revolte. Le concept de liberté que soutient La Boëtie est trop radical et individualiste pour appartenir à la tradition politique humaniste. La liberté reste donc un idéal qui ne renvoie à aucune application politique pratique, et seule est possible la liberté spirituelle d'une élite. La condition d'une telle liberté est la paix civile. En consequence, La Boëtie tient à preserver la paix, et s'oppose à tout appel à la revolte publique.
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The paper asks whether writing modern intellectual history and, more specifically, history of modern political thought, by employing the methods of research and writing developed by the Cambridge school, may lead to the same degree of... more
The paper asks whether writing modern intellectual history and, more specifically, history of modern political thought, by employing the methods of research and writing developed by the Cambridge school, may lead to the same degree of achievement in the quality of scholarship and elegance of style, that characterises the Cambridge school in respect of its research of the early modern period. The Cambridge school has been remarkably successful in its project of grasping the character of intellectual life in certain periods and cultures on the basis of historical data, rather than quasi-philosophical speculations. At the same time, it can be argued that the Cambridge method is period-conditioned, and that it is best applicable to studying early modern intellectual history. Its approach faces serious difficulties when applied to the study of later periods. These difficulties are, however, not insurmountable. The paper will argue that there is one 'Cambridge' model which can be adopted by modern intellectual historians: that of J.G.A. Pocock's work Barbarism and Religion, where the story of the intellectual life of an entire epoch unfolds as a story of one mind situated within all major relevant intellectual contexts.
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Elizabeth Corey suggests that in order to understand Michael Oakeshott's worldview one should pay special attention to two subjects, religion and aesthetics, and analyze the connection between these two realms and the idea of practical... more
Elizabeth Corey suggests that in order to understand Michael Oakeshott's worldview one should pay special attention to two subjects, religion and aesthetics, and analyze the connection between these two realms and the idea of practical life in general and of politics in particular. Her book provides a sympathetic but also critical conversation with Oakeshott's ideas, ultimately offering us a coherent picture of the place of the religious, poetical, and political in the totality of his thought. Corey persuasively shows that the major ideas of the mature Oakeshott originated in his earlier religious convictions and that his philosophy of aesthetics, contrary to what his critics claimed, fit nicely in the general framework of his thought.