@book {334850, title = {Steering Human Evolution: Eighteen Theses on Homo Sapiens Metamorphosis}, year = {2020}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, organization = {Taylor \& Francis}, abstract = {

As human knowledge moves a step ahead of Darwin{\textquoteright}s theories, this book presents the emergence of human-made meta-evolution shaping our alternative futures. This novel process poses fateful challenges to humanity, which require regulation of emerging science and technology which may endanger the future of our species. However, to do so successfully, a novel {\textquoteleft}humanity-craft{\textquoteright} has to be developed; main ideologies and institutions need redesign; national sovereignty has to be limited; a decisive global regime becomes essential; some revaluation of widely accepted norms becomes essential; and a novel type of political leader, based on merit in addition to public support, is urgently needed.

Taking into account the strength of nationalism and vested interests, it may well be that only catastrophes will teach humanity to metamorphose into a novel epoch without too high transition costs. But initial steps, such as United Nation reforms, are urgent in order to contain calamities and may soon become feasible {\textendash} with the global corona pandemic being just a foretaste of fateful challenges sure to face the human species.

}, author = {Dror yehezkel} } @book {85275, title = {מגדלור או מגדל שן? האקדמיה הישראלית בין פתיחות מאתגרת להסתגרות מתגוננת}, year = {2019}, publisher = {רסלינג}, organization = {רסלינג}, address = {תל אביב}, abstract = {

בספר זה קובצו שלושה עשר מאמרים מקוריים אשר מנסים לבחון תהליכים באקדמיה הישראלית במבט צופה עתיד, תוך בחינה של תרחישים אפשריים חלופיים; כל זאת בפרספקטיבה של "למידה לאורך החיים", במאמץ לבחון כיצד תהליכים עולמיים וכאלה המסתמנים בחברה הישראלית משפיעים על האקדמיה בישראל אשר מנסה להישאר רלוונטית בדרכי פעולתה. האתגר של האקדמיה הישראלית הוא להישאר משפיעה ונוכחת, כלומר להשכיל לשלב משימות של שימור והנחלה של ידע קיים לצד יצירה והפצה של ידע משמעותי חדש.

מאמרי הספר בוחנים מגמות באקדמיה לסוגיה ואת דרכי פעולתה, תוך מתן ביטוי לקהלים פוטנציאליים שונים: קבוצות אוכלוסייה שונות, הסקטור העסקי, השיח הדמוקרטי ושיח הזכויות, מערכת החינוך, החדשנות הטכנולוגית ועוד. כל זאת מתוך מאמץ לברר כיצד ההקשר המדיני, החברתי והכלכלי של הזמן הזה הם בגדר משפיעים ומושפעים כאחת במפגש עם האקדמיה. מאמרי הספר נותנים ביטוי למתח בין ניסיונה של האקדמיה לשמש מגדלור המציע אור ומתווה דרך, לבין האפשרות להיות מגדל שן מסתגר ומתגונן לנוכח האיומים שמסביב. לכתיבת הספר חברו אנשי אקדמיה מובהקים לצד מי שפועלים בשדות שונים, תוך מתן ביטוי לכוחות מעצבים ומשתתפים {\textendash} כאלה שעשויים לסייע בהבנת אתגרי האקדמיה בהקשר רחב.

}, editor = {ישראל כ"ץ and גיילר טלשיר} } @book {81777, title = {פרסונליזציה פוליטית מקוונת: מפלגות ופוליטיקאים בישראל במבט השוואתי}, year = {2019}, publisher = {המכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה}, organization = {המכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה}, address = {ירושלים}, abstract = {הפוליטיקה בישראל נעשית פחות ופחות מפלגתית ויותר ויותר אישית.\ מתחולל בה תהליך של פרסונליזציה פוליטית, שבו משקלו הפוליטי של\ השחקן היחיד בזירה הפוליטית עולה וחשיבותה של המפלגה יורדת.\ בעידן שבו חלק גדול מהפוליטיקה מתרחש בזירה המקוונת\ נשאלת השאלה אם הפוליטיקה האישית משועתקת גם לשם.}, author = {שחף זמיר and גדעון רהט} } @article {95901, title = { The Coproduction of Primary and Secondary Legislation: Israel as a Case Study of Substitutive Relationships }, journal = {Law \& Policy}, volume = {41}, year = {2019}, pages = {432-45}, abstract = {

Much has been written since the early 1980s about the costs of regulation and the various ways to curb them, but thus far no one has examined empirically the rise or decline of other forms of legislation, mainly primary legislation, in the context of the {\textquotedblleft}war on regulation.{\textquotedblright} This article examines the extent to which the decline in the rate of production of secondary legislation in Israel since 1985 has been driven by changes in the rate of production of primary legislation. Using an original longitudinal data set, we count, codify various dimensions, and compare the type and length of primary and secondary legislations and the number of delegated provisions that primary legislations contain. We find that the relationship between primary and secondary legislation is not hierarchic, as one might have expected, but has become partially substitutive. The decline in the rate of production of secondary legislation in Israel is, perhaps paradoxically, associated with the rise of primary legislation. This opens a new research agenda on the relationships between primary and secondary legislation that goes well beyond the Israeli case.

}, author = {Nir Kosti and David Levi-Faur} } @article {87420, title = {Introduction: Political personalization and personalized politics within and beyond the behavioural arena}, journal = { Party Politics}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Our aim is to propose guidelines for the analysis of political personalization and personalized politics in general and for behavioural personalization in particular. The first guideline is based on our understanding that personalization comes at the cost of party politics. It suggests that in order to classify politics as more or less personalized, we must compare it to an alternative party-oriented politics. Based on a synthesis of existing theoretical work, the second guideline suggests three analytical dimensions to clarify the multidimensional concept of personalization: arena, level and character. Arena refers to\ where\ personalization takes place; level refers to\ whose\ power or independence is changing; and character refers to\ how\ personalization is manifested. Furthermore, we present the contributions of this special issue and explain how they follow the two guidelines and advance our understanding and knowledge of behavioural political personalization.}, author = {Helene Helboe Pedersen and Rahat, Gideon} } @book {85338, title = {Republicanism and the Future of Democracy}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, organization = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge }, abstract = {

Democracies are in crisis. Can republican theory contribute to reforming our political norms and institutions? The {\textquoteright}neo-republican turn{\textquoteright} has seen scholars using the classical republican tradition in reconstructing and developing a vision of public life as an alternative to liberalism. This volume offers new perspectives from leading scholars on how republicanism can help transform democratic theory and respond to some of its most pressing challenges. Drawing on this recent revival of republican political thought, its chapters reflect on such issues as the republican definition of freedom as nondomination and its relation to democracy and populism, the ideal of the common good, domination in the workplace and in the family, republicanism in a globalized world, and radical republican politics. It will appeal to researchers and students in political theory, political philosophy and the history of ideas, and anyone interested in gaining greater insight into the prospects and challenges of republican democracy in today{\textquoteright}s world.

}, editor = {Yiftah Elazar and Genevi{\`e}ve Rousseli{\`e}re} } @book {85289, title = {Is the Party Over? How Israel Lost Its Social Agenda }, year = {2019}, publisher = {Yad Levi Eshkol}, organization = {Yad Levi Eshkol}, abstract = {הספר עוסק במדיניות החברתית בישראל בשנים 1965-1977 ובבדיקה היסטורית של התהליך שמוכר במדינות רבות: שינוי בסדרי עדיפות שמביא לקיצוצים והתעלמות מבעיות חברתיות. לרוב ההסברים לכך הם דטרמיניסטים: מדינות הרווחה היו אדיבות מדי ולא כלכליות, ונעלמו בגלל אימוץ של גישה כלכלית יותר "מציאותית" ופחות "נאיבית". טיעונים אלה משתלבים עם טיעונים שלאידיאולוגיה אין מקום במערכות פוליטיות מודרניות. ספר זה מציג הסבר אחר: מפלגות עם סדר יום חברתי לא שינו את האידיאולוגיה, אלא איבדו את היכולת להוציאה לפעול בגלל קריסה של המבנה של מפלגות. אפשר גם לומר, שלא סוף האידיאולוגיה הביא להידרדרות של מפלגות וקריסתן אלא שעם קריסה של מפלגות אבדה היכולת לממש סדר יום חברתי. דבר המייחד את ישראל במקרה הזה הוא המכה הקשה שספגה המפלגה השולטת {\textendash} מפלגת העבודה {\textendash} בגלל מלחמת יום הכיפורים ואי-יכולתה להגיע להכרעה בעניין עתיד השטחים. מדיניות החוץ המורכבת המשיכה להלום בכל המערכת הפוליטית גם לאחר מכן. מעבר לכך, נטען בספר שאי-אפשר להמשיך את ההפרדה בין המחקר של אידיאולוגיות והמחקר של מוסדות: תרומתו של ספר זה הוא בחשיפת התהליך והקשר בין רעיונות והכלי שמוביל אותם.}, author = {Laura Wharton} } @article {85279, title = {Beyond the media\’s radar: Introducing the Intifada Non-Media-Based Dataset}, journal = {International Interactions}, year = {2019}, abstract = {

This article presents the Intifada Non-Media-Based Dataset (INMBD). Drawing primarily on the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) daily field reports, the INMBD contains day-level observations of wide-ranging types, modes, and forms of contentious events involving multitudes of parties and actors in the Israeli-Palestinian cycle of contention, known as the First Intifada (1987{\textendash}1993). Each event {\textendash} defined as a collective action, claim, message, or decision that pertain explicitly and directly to systems of authority that institutionally structure ethno-nationalist relations {\textendash} comes with a date, short description, type, location, actors involved, and whether the events result in injury, fatality, and damage to property. After making a case for a new dataset, presenting the particularities of the dataset{\textquoteright}s sources, structure, inclusion and coding rules, and discussing its limitations, we offer a descriptive illustration of the dataset{\textquoteright}s potential uses, specifically an elaboration of the association between state repression and insurgent violence. The richness and distinctness of information INMBD contains facilitate the identification of the multifaceted, contingent, polyadic, and context-sensitive dynamics of cycles of conflict and contention.

}, author = {Eitan Y. Alimi and Gregory M. Maney and Alon Burstein} } @article {85278, title = {Imagining modernity: the language and genealogy of modernity in nineteenth-century Arabic}, journal = {Middle Eastern Studies}, volume = {55}, year = {2019}, pages = {1-12}, abstract = {

This article employs the methodology of conceptual history to contest two of the most common theoretical approaches dominating our understanding of modernity in the field of Middle Eastern studies. The first approach relies on the assumption of incompatibility between modernity and Islam and captures Arab modernity using concepts such as {\textquoteleft}adoption{\textquoteright}. The second understands Arab modernity through concepts such as {\textquoteleft}imitation{\textquoteright}, contending that it is a legacy of Western imperialism. This article challenges both theories by examining the genealogy of\ tamaddun(civilization, being civilized), a pivotal concept used in nineteenth-century Arabic to imagine modernity. The genealogy of\ tamaddun\ elucidates that medieval paradigms derived from the concept of\ madina\ (polity) were rediscovered, reimagined, and reused in the context of the rise of the nation-state and the challenge of Western imperialism. The article suggests understanding Arab modernity and its critique from within, rather than outside of, the temporality of the historical condition.

}, author = {Wael Abu-ʿUksa} } @article {85277, title = {The Construction of the Concepts \"Democracy\" and \"Republic\" in Arabic in the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean, 1798\–1878}, journal = {Journal of the History of Ideas}, volume = {80}, year = {2019}, pages = {249-270}, abstract = {

This article illuminates the construction of the concepts "democracy" and "republic" in the Arabic-speaking regions of the eastern and southern Mediterranean between 1798 and 1878. Examining these ideas through conceptual analysis on two levels, language construction and political discourse, the article reveals the layers these concepts acquired and their reception in the context of state reforms in the Ottoman Empire. While both "democracy" and "republic" evolved in Arabic after the French Revolution and acquired their modern morphological forms and content primarily between the 1820s and 1876, "republic" came into use and was perceived as relevant to local circumstances earlier than "democracy."

}, author = {Wael Abu-ʿUksa} } @article {84473, title = {Center-Right Political Parties in Advanced Democracies}, journal = {Annual Review of Political Science}, volume = {22}, year = {2019}, pages = {17-35}, abstract = {
This review proposes a comparative research agenda on center-right parties in advanced democracies, bringing together research in American and comparative politics. Political scientists have recently closely examined the decline of the center-left and the rise of the radical right but have paid less attention to the weakening of center-right parties. Yet cohesive center-right parties have facilitated political stability and compromises, while their disintegration has empowered radical challengers. After presenting an overview of right-wing politics in Western democracies and weighing different definitions of the electoral right, we discuss two factors that shape variations in center-right cohesion: organizational robustness of center-right partisan institutions and the (un)bundling of conservative mass attitudes on different policy dimensions. Last, we argue that a full account of the rise of the radical right cannot focus solely on the strategies of the center-left but must incorporate also the choices, opportunities, and constraints of center-right parties.
}, author = {Noam Gidron and Daniel Ziblatt} } @article {82530, title = {A Battle of Names: Hamas and Israeli Operations in the Gaza Strip}, journal = {Terrorism and Political Violence}, year = {2019}, abstract = {

This paper addresses the phenomenon of military operation-naming, that is, the act of giving names to war practices. Based on the four strategies of War Normalizing Discourse theory, I argue that, like nation-states, violent non-state actors also use the tool of naming to disseminate their wartime perceptions and mobilize public opinion for their own interests. Moreover, I argue that in its war-naming efforts the violent non-state actor seeks to defy and undermine the official names of its enemy state, using its own names to expand the physical battlefield to other fields of war and to present itself as an equal and legitimate player. To establish the above arguments, the article presents the case study of Hamas{\textemdash}specifically, the movement{\textquoteright}s naming of rounds of fighting against Israel since the beginning of its rule in the Gaza Strip in 2007.

}, author = {Ofir Hadad} } @article {82172, title = {Challenges of comparatively studying groups: Frame analysis, paired comparisons, and terrorism research.}, journal = {SAGE Research Methods Cases}, year = {2019}, abstract = {

Designing a comparative study of groups, movements, and collectives presents significant challenges. Although some of these challenges are undoubtedly case-specific, this research methods case discusses three challenges which will appear, in one form or another, in most comparative projects: identifying measurement units, designing a comparative framework, and collecting and analyzing data. Each of these is discussed by drawing on an example from a study I conducted which compared the ideological rigidity and flexibility of secular and religious terror groups. Drawing on insights from sociology{\textquoteright}s social movement theory, from terrorism research, and broadly from qualitative textual analyses, the case guides the reader toward thinking of creative ways to manage such challenges as they develop, based on the specific needs of the study she or he is conducting.

}, author = {Alon Burstein} } @inbook {87419, title = {Personalized Politics Online\ }, booktitle = {The Personalization of~Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties}, year = {2018}, pages = {103-124}, publisher = {ECPR Press,~Rowman \& Littlefield}, organization = {ECPR Press,~Rowman \& Littlefield}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and Shahaf Zamir}, editor = {William P. Cross and Richard S. Katz and Scott Pruysers} } @article {72520, title = { Between continuity and change: The EU\&$\#$39;s mechanism of differentiated value integration }, journal = {European Journal of Political Research}, volume = {57}, year = {2018}, pages = {217-237}, abstract = {

How does the European Union integrate new values into the text of its treaties? A growing body of literature indicates that, in the past three decades, new norms and values have entered the EU{\textquoteright}s discourse, resulting in what is usually termed {\textquoteleft}normative power Europe{\textquoteright}. Yet the research and knowledge to-date about the EU{\textquoteright}s discursive assimilation of new values and norms is surprisingly poor. As any institutional change, such integration has the potential to undermine the coherence of the EU{\textquoteright}s identity and thus also its objective to {\textquoteleft}speak with one voice{\textquoteright}. This article explores the EU{\textquoteright}s discursive management of the continuity-versus-change imperative by analysing the integration of new values into the text of its treaties. This issue is addressed based on a quantitative content analysis on the full texts of European founding treaties between the 1950s and 2009. Findings show that the distribution of the EU{\textquoteright}s values in the text is not uniform: while the language of market economy and democracy is pervasive, the values of peace, European identity, rights and social justice are mentioned less frequently and in restricted linguistic environments. To account for the differences in the integration of values into the EU{\textquoteright}s treaty discourse, the article develops the notion of a discursive mechanism of differentiated value integration (MDVI). This rationale echoes the logic of differentiation in policy implementation employed by the EU. It is claimed here that, applied in the European discursive arena, MDVI allows radically different readings of the same text. This helps the EU to maintain a coherent value identity while at the same time enabling change.

}, author = {Odelia Oshri and Shaul R. Shenhav} } @inbook {72519, title = {International Frame Building in Mediated Public Diplomacy}, booktitle = {Doing news framing analysis 2: Empirical and theoretical perspectives}, year = {2018}, pages = {249-273}, publisher = {Routledge}, organization = {Routledge}, address = {New York}, abstract = {

This chapter focuses on strategic frame building by political actors in the international arena. We reflect on studies in mediated public diplomacy, defined as the attempt to influence the presentation of a country in foreign media, and argue that it is a suitable theoretical concept when attempting to describe the strategic efforts carried out by national actors in order to achieve political and communicative objectives in the international arena. We argue that value and political proximity between countries play a key role in the ability of national actors to promote their preferred frames in the foreign media. Proximity, however, is characterized by a relative and conditional nature, which is discussed in the chapter in detail. Finally, we argue that rhetorical framing strategies, as well as the concepts of weak versus strong frames, can be used in order to build a theory that will comprehensively explore the ways in which national actors can succeed in their strategic frame building efforts.

}, author = {Sheafer, Tamir and Shaul R. Shenhav and Eran Amsalem}, editor = {Paul D{\textquoteright}Angelo} } @article {71579, title = {Exclusion and Cooperation in Diverse Societies: Experimental Evidence from Israel}, journal = {American Political Science Review}, volume = {112}, year = {2018}, pages = {742-757}, abstract = {
It is well-established that in diverse societies, certain groups prefer to exclude other groups from power and often from society entirely. Yet as many societies are diversifying at an increasingly rapid pace,the need for cross-group cooperation to solve collective action problems has intensified. Do preferences for exclusion inhibit the ability of individuals to cooperate and, therefore, diminish the ability for societies to collectively provide public goods? Turning to Israel, a society with multiple overlapping and politically salient cleavages, we use a large-scale lab-in-the-field design to investigate how preferences for exclusion among the Jewish majority predict discriminatory behavior toward Palestinian Citizens of Israel. We establish that preferences for exclusion are likely symbolic attitudes, and therefore stable and dominating of other attitudes; are held especially strongly by low-status majority group members; and powerfully predict costly non-cooperation. This preferences/behavior relationship appears unaffected by mitigating factors proposed in the intergroup relations literature. The demonstrated influence of symbolic attitudes on behavior calls for further examination of the social roots of exclusionary preferences.
}, author = {Ryan Enos and Noam Gidron} } @article {71580, title = {The Provocative Effect of Law: Majority Nationalismand Minority Discrimination}, journal = {Journal of Empirical Legal Studies}, volume = {15}, year = {2018}, pages = {951-986}, abstract = {

Western societies have experienced ethnic and religious diversification in recent decades. These demographic changes have been met by efforts to defend the local dominant culture using majority nationalism laws, intended to protect the cultural heritage of the majority. We empirically examine majority nationalism laws{\textquoteright} expressive effects on patterns of minority discrimination using the Israeli draft Nation Law (NL) as a case study. Drawing on two experimental surveys of a representative sample of the majority population of Israel (N = 602), our results lend weak support to the hypothesis that majority nationalism laws increase bias against minorities, and modest support to the hypothesis that such laws generate unintended spillover effects across different minority groups and from the public to the private sphere. Our main finding is that majority nationalism laws provoke a backlash reaction from those who oppose them. We define this as\ the provocative effect of law\ and discuss its relation to the expressive law theory. The results suggest that the effects of majority nationalism laws may vary systematically across ideological groups and spheres of discrimination.

}, author = {Netta Barak-Corren and Yuval Feldman and Noam Gidron} } @article {71575, title = {Slavery and Liberty: Talmud and Political Theory in Dialogue}, journal = {Harvard Theological Review}, volume = {111}, year = {2018}, pages = {147-173}, abstract = {

While focusing on the concept of liberty, this article produces a dialogue between the Talmud and western political theory, and thus expands the canon of political thought. Equipped with three concepts of liberty{\textemdash}negative, positive, and republican{\textemdash}this article offers an original reading to Babylonian Talmud\ Giṭ\ 12a{\textendash}13a. The talmudic passage{\textquoteright}s pivotal question{\textemdash}whether liberty is necessarily beneficial to a slave{\textemdash}enables us to reconstruct its fundamental, albeit implicit, understandings of both slavery and liberty. The talmudic approach to slavery and liberty emerges as concrete, and hence yields a thick and multi-faceted notion of liberty. Considering that a person might prefer the benefits of slavery reveals a paradox in Isaiah Berlin{\textquoteright}s negative concept of liberty. Therefore, as this article concludes, his conceptual distinction between two concepts of liberty is unsustainable and needs to be replaced by a concrete and thick notion of liberty.

}, author = {Benjamin Schvarcz} } @article {69748, title = { Always Look on the Bright Side of Life: Religiosity, Emotion Regulation and Well-Being in a Jewish and Christian Sample }, journal = {Journal of Happiness Studies}, year = {2018}, abstract = {

People who are more religious tend to experience more positive affect and higher levels of life satisfaction. Current explanations for this relation include social support, meaning in life, and more positive emotional experiences. Adding cognitive reappraisal as a new mechanism, we propose that religion consistently trains people to reappraise emotional events, making the devout more effective in applying this emotion regulation practice, which cultivates more positive affect and greater life satisfaction. In two studies, involving Israeli Jewish (N\ =\ 288) and American Christian (N\ =\ 277) participants, we found that more frequent use of cognitive reappraisal mediated the relationship between religiosity and affective experiences, which in turn, were associated with greater life satisfaction. Religiosity was associated with more frequent cognitive reappraisal (in both samples) and less frequent expressive suppression (in the Christian sample). Cognitive reappraisal mediated the link between religiosity and positive affect (in both samples) as well as negative affect (in the Christian sample). We discuss implications for understanding the link between religion and emotional well-being.

}, author = {Vishkin, Allon and Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit and Maya Tamir} } @article {69751, title = {From a Whisper to a Scream: The Politicization of The Ethiopian Community in Israel}, journal = {Israel Studies}, volume = {23}, year = {2018}, pages = {25-50}, abstract = {

The article explores the political mobilization of the Ethiopian minority of Israel. Utilizing the 2015 Ethiopian protests as illustrative of larger political trends undergone by the minority, we utilize the tools of social movement theory to unpack the two-month long protest wave. Specifically, we address why the protests occurred, how they developed, and where and when they emerged, by exploring the grievances framing the protests, the collective{\textquoteright}s
mobilizing infrastructure, and processes of local and international diffusion and emulation. The results highlight the ongoing and emerging trends and developments within the Ethiopian minority, situating the events within a larger process of politicization.

}, author = {Liora Norwich and Alon Burstein} } @article {69749, title = {Religion and Political Protest: A Cross-Country Analysis}, journal = {Comparative Political Studies}, year = {2018}, abstract = {
Religion{\textquoteright}s effect on individual tendency to engage in political protest is influenced both by the resources available to citizens at the individual level and opportunities provided to religious groups and organizations at the country level. Combining data from last two waves of the World Values Surveys with aggregate data on religious regulation, we show that private religious beliefs reduce an individual{\textquoteright}s protest potential while involvement in religious social networks fosters it. At the country level, we find that government regulation of religion decreases individual tendency to protest, and has an especially detrimental effect on the likelihood of religious minorities joining peaceful protest activities. These findings are in line with opportunity structure theories that stress the importance of system openness for fostering political protest.
}, author = {Arikan, Gizem and Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit} } @inbook {69636, title = {Electoral Systems in Context: Israel}, booktitle = {Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems}, year = {2018}, pages = {581-600}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Reuven Y Hazan and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka and Rahat, Gideon}, editor = {Erik S. Herron and Robert J. Pekkanen and Matthew S. Shugart} } @inbook {69637, title = {Mind the Gap}, booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of Primary Elections}, year = {2018}, pages = {323-334}, publisher = {Routledge}, organization = {Routledge}, address = {London}, author = {Reuven Y Hazan and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka}, editor = {Robert Boatright} } @inbook {69634, title = {Political Parties and Parliamentary Politics}, booktitle = {Understanding Israel: Political, Societal and Security Challenges}, year = {2018}, pages = {62-80}, publisher = {Routledge}, organization = {Routledge}, address = {London}, author = {Reuven Y Hazan and Chen Friedberg}, editor = {Joel Peters and Robert Pinfolds} } @article {69617, title = {Armies of God, Armies of Men: A Global Comparison of Secular and Religious Terror Organizations}, journal = {Terrorism and Political Violence}, volume = {30}, year = {2018}, pages = {1-21}, abstract = {

This article compares the violent activity of secular and religious terror organizations. Utilizing data compiled by the Global Terrorism Database cross-referenced with secondary and primary sources regarding the degree of religious components embedded in organizations{\textquoteright} ideologies, it tests the violent patterns of activity carried out by organizations guided by predominantly secular, secular/religious, and religious ideologies, between the years 1970 and 2012. The findings confirm that a) religious ideology correlates with specific, more deadly, attack tactics and violent patterns; and b) the degree of religious components within terror organizational ideology should be tested along a spectrum: the more religious an organization is, the more attacks it tends to carry out, and the deadlier its attacks become.

}, author = {Alon Burstein} } @book {69604, title = {From Party Politics to Personalized Politics? Party Change and Political Personalization in Democracies}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and Ofer Kenig} } @article {69621, title = {Ideological Rigidity and Flexibility of Secular and Religious Terror Groups: The Case of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Hamas}, journal = {Studies in Conflict \& Terrorism}, volume = {41}, year = {2018}, pages = {696-721}, abstract = {

This article explores the ideological rigidity of secular and religious terror groups. Analyzing leaflets disseminated by two Palestinian groups during the First Intifada, it examines if and how each shifted its identity and goals in response to repression, political shifts, or resource changes. The results suggest that while similar catalysts led to ideological reformation among the secular and the religious group, the extent of ideological change within the religious group was more limited. The article argues for the need to disaggregate ideological analysis further in order to identify more subtle shifts, alterations, and omissions, in the positions held by religious terror groups, moving past the exploration of if such changes exist in ideological templates and instead focusing on the extent and type of alterations the different groups allow.

}, author = {Alon Burstein} } @book {69607, title = {The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, editor = {Hazan, Reuven Y. and Alan Dowty and Menachem Hofnung and Rahat, Gideon} } @inbook {69611, title = {Personalized Politics Online}, booktitle = {The Personalization of Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties}, year = {2018}, pages = {103-124}, publisher = {ECPR Press, Rowman \& Littlefield}, organization = {ECPR Press, Rowman \& Littlefield}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and Shahaf Zamir} } @inbook {69615, title = {Political Parties and Candidate Selection}, booktitle = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics}, year = {2018}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and William P. Cross}, editor = {William R. Thompson} } @inbook {69616, title = {Political Reform in Israel}, booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Rahat, Gideon}, editor = {Hazan, Reuven Y. and Alan Dowty and Menachem Hofnung and Rahat, Gideon} } @article {69619, title = {Revenge of the Jobniks: A Critical Analysis of Daily Resistance of Soldiers to the Military in Contemporary Israeli Cinema}, journal = {Public Sphere}, volume = {14}, year = {2018}, pages = {123-144}, author = {Daphne Inbar and Oren Barak} } @article {69620, title = {Security Networks, Deep States, and the Democratic Deficit in the Middle East}, journal = {Middle East Journal}, volume = {72}, year = {2018}, pages = {447-467}, abstract = {

This article argues that part of the reason why some Middle Eastern states remain democratically challenged is the emergence, operation, and political influence of "security networks" and "deep states"{\textemdash}informal actors in the area of national security. The article explains what these actors are, situates them in a broad theoretical and comparative perspective, assesses their impact on democratic development, and provides examples from Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, and Egypt.

}, author = {Oren Barak} } @article {69449, title = { Rhetoric and doctrines of policy over- and underreactions in times of crisis }, journal = {Policy \& Politics}, volume = {46}, year = {2018}, pages = {47-63}, abstract = {
This article distinguishes between disproportionate policy response by error (bounded rationality) and disproportionate response by choice, and advances a further distinction of such choices between two disproportionate policy options, namely, rhetoric and doctrine. Probing the {\textquoteright}plausibility{\textquoteright} of these terms, the article presents pertinent illustrations drawn from the military, financial and environmental domains in the US, Britain, Israel, Australia, Singapore and the European Union. These illustrations show that, during pre-crisis and in-crisis periods, both options can be purposefully designed to signal policymakers{\textquoteright} preference and/or to deliver the disproportionate responses in pursuit of policy goals.
}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @book {69438, title = {את זאת לא צפינו}, year = {2018}, publisher = {רסלינג}, organization = {רסלינג}, author = {אבנר ברנע} } @article {69209, title = {Bureaucrats\&$\#$39; processing of organizational reputation signals}, journal = {Journal of Behavioral Public Administration }, year = {2018}, abstract = {

Notwithstanding the significance of a positive bureaucratic reputation, the average bureau functions amidst deep-rooted public hostility. Bureaucracy bashing presumably weakens public sector employees{\textquoteright} commitment to their bureaus, which is known to undermine public sector performance. Motivated by these concerns, this paper investigates whether exogenous signals regarding a bureau{\textquoteright}s reputation affect the organizational attachment - identification and commitment - of its employees, and the variation in employee responses. Employing an experiment at an Israeli welfare bureaucracy, we show that the organizational attachment of employees who feel central and influential within the bureau is unshaken, and even reinforced, in response to negative reputation signals. Conversely, employees who feel marginal and powerless are receptive to both negative and positive reputation signals. The implications of these findings are that public organizations can buffer their employees from the detrimental effects of negative reputation signals, yet by so doing they may shut out justified scrutiny and demands for change.

}, author = {Gilad, Sharon and Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit and Assouline, Michaela} } @article {69208, title = {Enhancing democracy via bureaucracy: Senior managers\&$\#$39; social identities and motivation for policy change}, journal = {Governance}, volume = {31}, year = {2018}, pages = {359-380}, abstract = {

This article challenges the depiction of bureaucracy as a hurdle to democratic responsiveness. It proposes that senior civil servants{\textquoteright} (SCSs) dual position as professionals and citizens may enhance government permeability to salient public agendas. Building on social identity theory, we argue that salient public agendas may arouse SCSs{\textquoteright} social identification with in-groups and thereby elicit their motivation for policy change within their task domain. Employing a mixed-methods design, we analyze SCSs{\textquoteright} social identification with the participants of the large-scale social protests that took place in Israel during the summer of 2011, and their motivation for policy change in response to the protest agenda. We find that SCSs{\textquoteright} social identification with the protesters enhanced their motivation for policy change. In addition, SCSs{\textquoteright} perception of a conflict between responsiveness to the protest agenda and their organizational or professional identities shaped their preferences for policy solutions more than their motivation for policy change.

}, author = {Gilad, Sharon and Saar Alon-Barkat} } @book {69191, title = { Cities and Immigration }, year = {2018}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Avner de Shalit} } @inbook {68793, title = {BDS and Self-Righteous Moralists\ }, booktitle = {Anti-Zionism on Campus: The University, Free Speech and BDS}, year = {2018}, pages = {43-57}, publisher = {Indiana University Press}, organization = {Indiana University Press}, address = {Bloomington}, abstract = {

Dan Avnon tells of his experience with the\ BDS\ movement in Australia. His political work for equality and human rights for all citizens of Israel notwithstanding, he became the target of a very public, if personal, boycott by the director of the University of Sydney{\textquoteright}s Center for Peace Studies, just because he is an Israeli. This episode demonstrates that the peaceful, social justice declarations of the\ BDS\ movement are disingenuous, that\ BDS\ targets all Jewish Israelis as part of its program to ultimately end Israel{\textquoteright}s existence. Avnon highlights how overreaction to the incident by the anti-BDS\ legal organization\ Shurat\ HaDinactually undermined the opposition to\ BDS\ and criticizes the self-righteous\ moralism\ that has come to dominate the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict

}, author = {Dan Avnon} } @article {68794, title = {The Consequences of Strategic News Coverage for Democracy: A Meta-Analysis}, journal = { Communication Research}, year = {2018}, abstract = {

One of the most dominant ways of covering politics in the media is by focusing on politicians{\textquoteright} strategies for gaining public support and their positions at the polls. The conventional wisdom is that this tendency{\textemdash}usually referred to as strategic, horse race, or game coverage{\textemdash}has negative consequences for democracy because it increases political alienation. Others argue, however, that the public{\textquoteright}s attraction to strategic coverage improves knowledge about issues and encourages civic engagement. This study examines the consequences of strategic coverage by performing a meta-analysis of published and unpublished studies. Based on 54 findings from 32 studies and 38,658 respondents, I show that across studies and contexts, strategic coverage increases political cynicism (d\ = 0.32), reduces substance-based political knowledge (d\ = -0.31), and discourages positive evaluations regarding the news items (d\ = -0.22). However, there is no evidence that this coverage erodes participation. These findings correspond with scholars{\textquoteright} previous concerns.

}, author = {Alon Zoizner} } @article {68616, title = {On social rhythm: A renewed assessment of Van Gennep\’s Rites of Passage}, journal = { Journal of Classical Sociology}, year = {2018}, abstract = {

Contrary to most readers who have emphasized the notions of passage or liminality, I demonstrate in this study that Van Gennep{\textquoteright}s\ Rites de passage\ is articulated around the four notions of sequences, margins, passages, and schema. Subsequently, the main claim of this article is to propose the idea of social kinesis{\textemdash}or social rhythm{\textemdash}as the crux of Van Gennep{\textquoteright}s theory. Such a fresh reappraisal of Van Gennep is also an opportunity to show how Pierre Bourdieu sought for social laws and regularities in a rather deterministic fashion, and completely overlooked Van Gennep{\textquoteright}s idea of motion. More importantly, this article is an invitation to reconsider Van Gennep{\textquoteright}s epistemological approach as a bridge between the social and the life sciences. Indeed, Van Gennep{\textquoteright}s so-called\ m{\'e}thode des s{\'e}quences\ emerges from a dialogue between the social sciences and biology on the one hand, and with cosmology on the other. Indeed, I illuminate how Van Gennep investigated the enigmas of social life and dynamics within the framework of his understanding of metabolism and regenerative processes.

}, author = {Nicole Hochner} } @article {72521, title = { Clause Analysis: Using Syntactic Information to Automatically Extract Source, Subject, and Predicate from Texts with an Application to the 2008\–2009 Gaza War }, journal = {Political Analysis}, volume = {25}, year = {2017}, pages = {207-222}, abstract = {

This article presents a new method and open source R package that uses syntactic information to automatically extract source{\textendash}subject{\textendash}predicate\ clauses. This improves on frequency-based text analysis methods by dividing text into predicates with an identified subject and optional source, extracting the statements and actions of (political) actors as mentioned in the text. The content of these predicates can be analyzed using existing frequency-based methods, allowing for the analysis of actions, issue positions and framing by different actors within a single text. We show that a small set of syntactic patterns can extract clauses and identify quotes with good accuracy, significantly outperforming a baseline system based on word order. Taking the 2008{\textendash}2009 Gaza war as an example, we further show how corpus comparison and semantic network analysis applied to the results of the clause analysis can show differences in citation and framing patterns between U.S. and English-language Chinese coverage of this war.

}, author = {Wouter van Atteveldt and Sheafer, Tamir and Shaul R. Shenhav and Yair Fogel-Dror} } @article {71578, title = {Democracy and Judaism in Leon Roth\’s Action and Thought {Hebrew]}, journal = {Judaism, Sovereignty and Human Rights}, volume = {3}, year = {2017}, pages = {136-166}, author = {Benjamin Schvarcz} } @article {71581, title = { The Politics of Social Status: Economic and Cultural Roots of the PopulistRight }, journal = {British Journal of Sociology}, volume = {68}, year = {2017}, pages = {57-84}, abstract = {

This paper explores the factors that have recently increased support for candidates and causes of the populist right across the developed democracies, especially among a core group of working-class men. In the context of debates about whether the key causal factors are economic or cultural, we contend that an effective analysis must rest on understanding how economic and cultural developments interact to generate support for populism. We suggest that one way to do so is to see status anxiety as a proximate factor inducing support for populism, and economic and cultural developments as factors that combine to precipitate such anxiety. Using cross-national survey data from 20 developed democracies, we assess the viability of this approach. We show that lower levels of subjective social status are associated with support for right populist parties, identify a set of economic and cultural developments likely to have depressed the social status of men without a college education, and show that the relative social status of those men has declined since 1987 in many of the developed democracies. We conclude that status effects provide one pathway through which economic and cultural developments may combine to increase support for the populist right.

}, author = {Noam Gidron and Peter A. Hall} } @article {69746, title = {The Legitimacy of Alien Rulers}, journal = {Swiss Political Science Review}, volume = {22}, year = {2017}, pages = {454-469}, abstract = {

In the modern world, alien rulers are generally perceived to lack legitimacy. Political legitimacy is important because it is thought to be the principal alternative to coercive institutions. Little empirical evidence supports these claims, however. We devise a laboratory experiment that isolates alienness from other ruler characteristics. The experiment tests whether alien rulers have less legitimacy than native rulers, and whether the ability to punish compensates for this disadvantage. Using American and Israeli college student samples, we find that alien rulers receive less compliance than native rulers, and that the ability to punish does not allow alien rulers to {\textquotedblleft}catch-up{\textquotedblright} with native rulers.

}, author = {Horne, Christine and Pazit Ben-Nun Bloom and Irwin, Kyle and Miodownik, Dan and Hechter, Michael} } @article {69633, title = {Unpacking Party Unity: The Combined Effects of Electoral Systems and Candidate Selection Methods on Legislative Attitudes and Behavioural Norms}, journal = {Political Studies}, volume = {65}, year = {2017}, pages = {452-474}, abstract = {

This article analyses the effect of electoral systems, candidate selection methods and the interplay between them on individual legislative attitudes and behavioural norms, specifically on two facets of party unity: party agreement and party loyalty. Our main argument is that one must take into account the effect of inter- as well as intra-party competition, and the interaction between the two, in order to explain individual legislative attitudes and norms. Using data from 34 European parties across 10 countries, we show that under exclusive candidate selection methods, there are large differences between proportional representation and single-member district electoral systems in their effect on party agreement and party loyalty. Under inclusive candidate selection methods, however, such differences are much less apparent. In other words, the candidate selection method conditions the influence of the electoral system on legislative attitudes and behavioural norms.

}, author = {Reut Itzkovitch-Malka and Reuven Y Hazan} } @inbook {69610, title = {Candidate Selection Rules and Democratic Outcomes: The Impact of Parties on Women\’s Representation}, booktitle = {Organizing Representation: Political Parties, Participation, and Power}, year = {2017}, pages = {208-233}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {William Cross and Anika Gauja and Scott Pruysers}, editor = {Rahat, Gideon and Susan Scarrow and Paul D. Webb and Thomas Poguntke} } @book {69605, title = {The Elections in Israel 2015}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Transaction Books}, organization = {Transaction Books}, address = {New York}, editor = {Shamir, Michal and Rahat, Gideon} } @book {69606, title = {The Elections in Israel 2015}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Israel Democracy Institute }, organization = {Israel Democracy Institute }, address = {Jerusalem}, editor = {Michael Shamir and Rahat, Gideon} } @inbook {69614, title = {Electoral Systems in Context: Israel}, booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems}, year = {2017}, pages = {581-600}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Hazan, Reuven Y. and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka and Rahat, Gideon}, editor = {Erik Herron and Robert Pekkanen and Matthew S. Shugart} } @article {69613, title = {An Intra-Party Democracy Index: Theory, Design and a Demonstration}, journal = {Parliamentary Affairs}, volume = {70}, year = {2017}, pages = {84-110}, abstract = {

This article presents a new index for a comprehensive and systematic measurement of the level of intra-party democracy (IPD). The proposed index is designed on the basis of a comparison with state-level democracy and previous attempts to measure IPD. It examines five dimensions: participation, representation, competition, responsiveness and transparency. The way each dimension is measured is explained and justified on the basis of the procedure of its design and democratic theory. Its application and potential contribution to the analysis of democracy and party politics is demonstrated through its use to comparatively evaluate the level of internal democracy in political parties in Israel; and through examining several hypotheses concerning the relationship between party characteristics and their level of IPD and the relationship between the various dimensions of IPD.

}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and Assaf Shapira} } @inbook {69609, title = {Parties and Labour Federations in Israel}, booktitle = {Centre-Left Parties and Trade Unions in the Twenty-First Century}, year = {2017}, pages = {144-169}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, organization = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, author = {Ronen Mandelkern and Rahat, Gideon}, editor = {Elin H. Allern and Tim Bale} } @inbook {69608, title = {Political Personalization Online: Parties and Politicians in the 2015 Elections}, booktitle = {The Elections in Israel 2015}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Transaction Books}, organization = {Transaction Books}, address = {New York}, author = {Shahaf Zamir and Rahat, Gideon}, editor = {Shamir, Michal and Rahat, Gideon} } @book {69618, title = {State Expansion and Conflict: In and Between Israel/Palestine and Lebanon}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, organization = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge }, author = {Oren Barak} } @inbook {69446, title = {Disproportionate Policy Response}, booktitle = {The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics}, year = {2017}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @article {69448, title = { Governing climate change: the (dis)proportionality of policy responses }, journal = {Journal of Environmental Policy \& Planning }, volume = {19}, year = {2017}, pages = {596-598}, author = {Jale Tosun and Andrew Jordan and Maor, Moshe} } @article {69442, title = {The implications of the emerging disproportionate policy perspective for the new policy design studies}, journal = {Policy Sciences}, volume = {50}, year = {2017}, pages = {383-398}, abstract = {

This paper articulates the\ disproportionate policy perspective\ and uses it to mount four challenges for the new policy design orientation. First, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, disproportionate policy options may be systematically designed, and at times, successfully implemented. Second, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, there are certain conditions under which policymakers may tend to develop effective response, with cost considerations becoming only secondary in importance if at all (read, policy overreaction), or cost-conscious response, with effectiveness considerations becoming only secondary in importance if at all (read, policy underreaction). Third, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, disproportionate policy options may be designed for purposes other than implementation (e.g., to be used as signaling devices or as context-setters). Fourth, in contrast to new policy design thinking, there are certain conditions under which the emotional arena of policy may be equally, if not more, important than the substantive one. The paper concludes that so far the literature on new policy design has not responded to the emergence of the disproportionate policy perspective, but a robust research agenda awaits those answering this paper{\textquoteright}s call for action.

}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @article {69451, title = { Lives of Frankish Princes from al-Ṣafadi\’s Biographical Dictionary, al-wāfi bil-wafayāt }, journal = {Mediterranean Historical Review}, volume = {32}, year = {2017}, pages = {83-104}, abstract = {

This article endeavours to bring to the English reader unpublished historical sources about Frankish figuers in the fourteenth century biographical dictionary\ al-W{\={a}}fi bil-wafay{\={a}}t.\ This work, one of the largest biographical dictionaries in the history of the genre in Arabic, was written by Khalil b. Aibak Ṣal{\={a}}ḥ al-Din, al-Ṣafadi who was born in 1297 to a Mamluk father and a respected\ amir\ of the Mamluk military troops in Ṣafad. This article analyse nine biographies of Frankish historical figures and endeavours to answer the question: how original were al-Ṣafadi{\textquoteright}s biographies on Frankish princes?

}, author = {Wael Abu-ʿUksa} } @article {69444, title = { Policy entrepreneurs in policy valuation processes: The case of the Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies }, journal = {Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy}, volume = {35}, year = {2017}, pages = {1407-1417}, abstract = {

Policy problems and solutions are frequently loaded with moral, emotional and cost-effectiveness components as well as with other ideational and symbolic elements in order to provide them with, or deprive them of, significance. Skillful policy entrepreneurs are key actors in this valuation process which results in policy problems and solutions becoming valued, overvalued or undervalued. Drawing on insights from the sociology of valuation, this article distinguishes between four types of policy entrepreneurs {\textendash} defined by the particular strategies they pursue {\textendash} that may be involved in this process:\ norm entrepreneurs, reputation entrepreneurs, meaning entrepreneursand\ standards and performance metrics entrepreneurs. The article elaborates on the role of these actors in the policy valuation process and the interactive nature of their activities. It thereafter illustrates their activities by elaborating on the valuation strategies pursued by the Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies, which led several European governments to provide financial support for the Carbon Disclosure Project.

}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @inbook {69443, title = { Policy Overreaction Doctrine: From Ideal-Type to Context-Sensitive Solution in Times of Crisis }, booktitle = {Handbook of Policy Formulation}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Edward Elgar}, organization = {Edward Elgar}, address = {Cheltenham}, author = {Maor, Moshe and I Mukherjee}, editor = {M Howlett} } @article {69445, title = { Proportionate and disproportionate policy responses to climate change: core concepts and empirical applications }, journal = {Journal of Environmental Policy \& Planning}, volume = {19}, year = {2017}, pages = {599-611}, abstract = {
A fresh perspective on policy-making and planning has emerged which views disproportionate policy as an intentional policy response. A disproportionate policy response is understood to be a lack of {\textquoteleft}fit{\textquoteright} or balance between the costs of a public policy and the benefits that are derived from this policy, and between policy ends and means. This paper applies this new perspective on the proportionality of policy-making to the area of climate change. The first part of the paper discusses the underlying causes of disproportionate policy responses in broad terms and then applies the theoretical reasoning to understand the conditions in which they are likely to appear in relation to climate change. These conditions are hypothesized to relate to four main factors: economic considerations; levels of public demand; focusing events; and strategic considerations. It concludes with the suggestion that societal actors may be able to manipulate these four factors to encourage politicians to adopt policies that mitigate climate change more rapidly than is currently the case in most countries.
}, author = {Maor, Moshe and Jale Tosun and Andrew Jordan} } @article {69210, title = {Compensating for Poor Performance with Promotional Symbols: Evidence from a Survey Experiment}, journal = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory}, volume = {27}, year = {2017}, pages = {661{\textendash}675}, abstract = {

Extant literature regarding citizens{\textquoteright} responses to government public communications focuses on the roles of transparency and provision of information. Conversely, the effect of strategically designed symbols, which are integral to most public communications, received limited attention. Building on social psychology and marketing research, we theorize that familiar promotional symbols enhance citizens{\textquoteright} positive attitudes toward government through {\textquotedblleft}evaluative conditioning,{\textquotedblright} yet this effect is conditioned by citizens{\textquoteright} experiences of actual government performance. We test these expectations via a survey experiment, which examines participants{\textquoteright} responses to a familiar promotional symbol of an Israeli state-owned electricity monopoly, given near-random variation in their experiences of prolonged power outages. We find that exposure to the well-known symbol enhances participants{\textquoteright} favorable attitudes toward the organization, and that this effect extends to those who recently experienced poor electricity services. The effect is significant in relation to participants{\textquoteright} trust in the organization, but not regarding their satisfaction and performance evaluation. These findings indicate that familiar promotional symbols can shape citizens{\textquoteright} attitudes, and compensate for the effect of poor performance, with regard to sufficiently ambiguous organizational aspects. We discuss the implications of these findings for current research on the effectiveness of transparency and performance information.

}, author = {Saar Alon-Barkat and Gilad, Sharon} } @article {69211, title = { Does exposure to other cultures affect the impact of economic globalization on gender equality? }, journal = {International Political Science Review}, volume = {38}, year = {2017}, pages = {378-395}, abstract = {

An extensive literature shows that economic globalization has a positive effect on gender equality. However, the effect varies greatly across countries and time. This article argues that social globalization {\textendash} individuals{\textquoteright} exposure to external ideas, people, and information flows {\textendash} and the changes in values associated with it {\textendash} is a key boundary condition for the effect of economic globalization on women{\textquoteright}s rights. While economic globalization opens up new opportunities for women, policy adaptation to these changes requires a social demand for efforts for change. Social globalization contributes to policy adaptation by exposing the public to alternative gender-role models, setting off a shift in values, which underlies support for gender equality. Results emerging from a time-series-cross-sectional analysis of 152 nations for the period 1990{\textendash}2003 confirm that the positive effect of economic globalization on gender equality wanes at lower levels of social globalization. Further, multilevel-path-analyses models demonstrate how changes to individual-level values mediate the effect of globalization on individuals{\textquoteright} support for gender equality.

}, author = {Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit and Gilad, Sharon and Freedman, Michael} } @article {72522, title = { Not All Countries Are Created Equal: Foreign Countries Prevalence in U.S. News and Entertainment Media }, journal = {Mass Communication and Society}, volume = {19}, year = {2016}, pages = {522-541}, abstract = {

Why do some countries appear more popular than others in mass media? Although researchers have long sought to explain foreign countries{\textquoteright} prevalence in the media, to date they have exclusively focused on news, leaving other types of media content unexplored. In addition, focusing on media effects and media content, the literature on entertainment and politics has largely ignored the study of agenda-building processes. Thus, this study fills these gaps by exploring factors affecting the volume of references to foreign countries in both U.S. news and entertainment media. Analyzing more than 400 U.S. television shows, four news channels, and two newspapers spanning from 2000 to 2011, we reexamine past findings on salience of foreign countries in the news and apply these findings to a new field of research, entertainment media. We further suggest that the same factors shaping foreign countries{\textquoteright} prevalence in the news media are applicable to both news and entertainment and that in the context of foreign countries{\textquoteright} prevalence, the criteria for {\textquotedblleft}newsworthiness{\textquotedblright} and {\textquotedblleft}fictionworthiness{\textquotedblright} is similar.

}, author = {Dror Walter and Sheafer, Tamir and , Lilach Nir and Shaul Shenhav} } @article {71582, title = {Intergroup Behavioral Strategies as Contextually Determined: ExperimentalEvidence from Israel}, journal = {Journal of Politics}, volume = {78}, year = {2016}, pages = {851-867}, abstract = {

Why are the negative effects of social diversity more pronounced in some places than in others? What are the mechanisms underlying the relationship between diversity and discriminatory behaviors, and why do they vary in prevalence and strength across locations? Experimental research has made advances in examining these questions by testing for differences in behavior when interacting with individuals from different groups. At the same time, research in American and comparative politics has demonstrated that attitudes toward other groups are a function of context. Uniting these two lines of research, we argue that discriminatory behaviors should be strongly conditioned by the ways in which groups are organized in space, allowing us to make predictions about the relationship between diversity, segregation, and intergroup behavior. We examine this claim in the context of intra-Jewish cleavage in Israel, using original data compiled through multisite lab-in-the-field experiments and survey responses collected across 20 locations.

}, author = {Ryan Enos and Noam Gidron} } @inbook {71577, title = {Performing Persuasion: Two Rhetorical Approaches in Aristotle and the Talmud [Hebrew]}, booktitle = {Mizug Ofakim: Mahshava Medinit Yehudit-Yisraelit}, year = {2016}, pages = {102-128}, publisher = {Magnes Press}, organization = {Magnes Press}, address = {Jerusalem}, author = {Benjamin Schvarcz}, editor = {Dan Avnon and David M. Feuchtwanger} } @article {71584, title = { The Populist Style in American Politics: Presidential Campaign Discourse,1952-1996 }, journal = {Social Forces}, volume = {94}, year = {2016}, pages = {1593-1621}, abstract = {

This paper examines populist claims-making in US presidential elections. We define populism as a discursive strategy that juxtaposes the virtuous populace with a corrupt elite and views the former as the sole legitimate source of political power. In contrast to past research, we argue that populism is best operationalized as an attribute of political claims rather than a stable ideological property of political actors. This analytical strategy allows us to systematically measure how the use of populism is affected by a variety of contextual factors. Our empirical case consists of 2,406 speeches given by American presidential candidates between 1952 and 1996, which we code using automated text analysis. Populism is shown to be a common feature of presidential politics among both Democrats and Republicans, but its prevalence varies with candidates{\textquoteright} relative positions in the political field. In particular, we demonstrate that the probability of a candidate{\textquoteright}s reliance on populist claims is directly proportional to his distance from the center of power (in this case, the presidency). This suggests that populism is primarily a strategic tool of political challengers, and particularly those who have legitimate claims to outsider status. By examining temporal changes in populist claims-making on the political left and right, its variation across geographic regions and field positions, and the changing content of populist frames, our paper contributes to the debate on populism in modern democracies, while integrating field theory with the study of institutional politics.

}, author = {Bart Bonikowski and Noam Gidron} } @article {69744, title = {Does counterterrorist legislation hurt human rights practices? A longitudinal cross-national analysis}, journal = {Social Science Research}, volume = {58}, year = {2016}, pages = {104-121}, abstract = {

In the aftermath of the 9/11\ terrorist attacks, many countries have passed new counterterrorist\ legislation. One of the common\ assumptions\ about such legislation is that it comes with a\ price: a\ compromise\ to practices of\ human\ rights. Previous research, looking at a wide range of\ case studies, suggested that this is indeed the case and that counterterrorist legislation often leads to subsequent\ repression. However, no large-scale cross-national study has yet assessed this relationship. Relying on a newly assembled\ database\ on nation-level counterterrorist legislation for the years 1981{\textendash}2009, we conduct a cross-national\ time series\ analysis of legislation and repression. Our analyses find little evidence for a significant relationships between national counterterrorist legislation and various measures of core human rights in most countries. However, while legislation does not affect repression of physical\ integrity\ rights in countries with low and high levels of repression, it is associated with greater state repression in countries with intermediate scores of repression.

}, author = {Shor, Eran and Filkobski, Ina and Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit and Alkilabi, Hayder and Su, William} } @article {69742, title = {State-Level Restriction of Religious Freedom and Women\&$\#$39;s Rights: A Global Analysis}, journal = {Political Studies}, volume = {64}, year = {2016}, pages = {811-831}, abstract = {

The literature is divided on the nature of the relationship between state-level restriction of religious freedom and women{\textquoteright}s rights, as religious freedom can empower members of marginalized groups or advance gender-discriminatory practices. Employing a time-series cross-sectional analysis of data for two decades from 153 nations, this study shows that the relationship between religious regulation and women{\textquoteright}s rights depends on the type of regulation, with regulation of the majority religion improving state-level women{\textquoteright}s rights and discriminatory regulation specifically targeting minority religions impairing them. Furthermore, the effect of regulation is moderated by the context. Even relatively small regulatory steps promote women{\textquoteright}s rights in patriarchal and non-democratic regimes by weakening the religion-state fusion and patriarchal values. However, in liberal democracies, the beneficial effects of regulation wane or even backfire, as religious institutions may rally around the religion. Consequently, this article advocates a multidimensional view of religious freedom, and warns against viewing secularization as inherently promoting gender equality.

}, author = {Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit} } @book {69603, title = {The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections: A Comparative Perspective}, year = {2016}, publisher = {McGill-Queen{\textquoteright}s University Press}, organization = {McGill-Queen{\textquoteright}s University Press}, address = {Montreal}, author = {Willian Cross and Ofer Kenig and Scott Pruysers and Rahat, Gideon} } @article {69612, title = {Stable Blocs and Multiple Identities: The 2015 Elections in Israel}, journal = {Representation}, volume = {52}, year = {2016}, pages = {99-117}, abstract = {

This article analyzes the dynamics of the 2015 Israeli elections by examining the movement of votes within ideological blocs and the manifestation of multiple identities in the electoral campaigns. The premature collapse of Netanyahu{\textquoteright}s government led Israel to general elections only two years and two months after the previous elections. The elections were portrayed as a horse race between the Likud and the Zionist Union. Indeed, both parties gained some support in comparison to the previous elections, yet almost all of their electoral gains were from parties in their own bloc. The politics of multiple identities steered these two parties to appeal to voters within their blocs, and also clearly defined the borders of these blocs. An exception was the new centrist Kulanu, which succeeded in capturing the strategic pivotal position. Likud{\textquoteright}s clear-cut {\textquotedblleft}victory{\textquotedblright} over the Zionist Union led Kulanu to join the Likud{\textquoteright}s right-wing religious coalition.

}, author = {Rahat, Gideon and Hazan, Reuven Y. and Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit} } @article {69447, title = { Emotion-driven negative policy bubbles }, journal = {Policy Sciences}, volume = {49}, year = {2016}, pages = {191-210}, abstract = {

Existing explanations of systematic undersupply of policy (e.g., institutional frictions, policy drift, and loss aversion) highlight the role of institutional and cognitive factors in the policy process while paying little attention to the role of emotions and emotional sentiments (e.g., policy mood). To bridge this gap, this article conceptualizes the role of negative emotions (e.g., fear, anger, hatred, disgust) and emotional sentiments in driving systematic policy underreaction (or what I have termed a\ negative policy bubble). Regarding the birth of emotion-driven negative policy bubbles, the behavioral understanding advanced here points to (1) an endogenous process that affects opinion formation, attention, learning, behavior, and attitudes; (2) an exogenous shock that {\textquotedblleft}turns on{\textquotedblright} an endogenous process; (3) emotional manipulation by emotional entrepreneurs, or (4) a process by which the psychological context within which the policy process takes place conditions policy dynamics. Self-reinforcing processes interact with the contagion of emotions, imitation, and herd behavior to reinforce the lack of confidence in the policy, thereby creating a lock-in effect of systematic undersupply of policy. This process may be interrupted following modest endogenous or exogenous perturbations; a decrease in the intensity and duration of negative emotions and/or an increase in their speed of decline by emotional entrepreneurs, as well as following the reduction in negativity bias when the information environment becomes predominantly negative. The paper also provides guidance on productive directions for future research.

}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @book {69450, title = {Freedom in the Arab World: Concepts and Ideologies in Arabic Thought in the Nineteenth Century}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, organization = {Cambridge University Press}, abstract = {
A preoccupation with the subject of freedom became a core issue in the construction of all modern political ideologies. Here, Wael Abu-{\textquoteright}Uksa examines the development of the concept of freedom (hurriyya) in nineteenth-century Arab political thought, its ideological offshoots, their modes, and their substance as they developed the dynamics of the Arabic language. Abu-{\textquoteright}Uksa traces the transition of the idea of freedom from a term used in a predominantly non-political way, through to its popularity and near ubiquity at the dawn of the twentieth century. Through this, he also analyzes the importance of associated concepts such as liberalism, socialism, progress, rationalism, secularism, and citizenship. He employs a close analysis of the development of the language, whilst at the same time examining the wider historical context within which these semantic shifts occurred: the rise of nationalism, the power of the Ottoman court, and the state of relations with Europe.\ \ 
}, author = {Wael Abu-ʿUksa} } @article {69440, title = { Missing Areas in the Bureaucratic Reputation Framework }, journal = {Politics and Governance}, volume = {4}, year = {2016}, pages = {80-90}, abstract = {

Drawing on insights from social networks, social cognition and the study of emotions, this conceptual article offers a set of ideas and a series of predictions on how systematic variation in two sets of relationships may bear on agency behavior. The first is the agency-audience relationship which revolves around how and what multiple audiences think about public agencies, how these thoughts impact upon agency behavior, how information regarding this behavior is transformed within multiple audiences and how it influences audience memory and behavior regarding that agency. The second is the relationship between the reputation of an agency head and the reputation of that agency. The article identifies six broad areas that offer the most promising possibilities for future research on bureaucratic reputation, calling on researchers to incorporate insights from the aforementioned literatures, to dimensionalize these sets of relationships and to assess the generalizability of reputation{\textquoteright}s effects.

}, author = {Maor, Moshe} } @article {69439, title = { Responsive Change: Agency Output Response to Reputational Threats }, journal = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory}, volume = {26}, year = {2016}, pages = {31-44}, abstract = {
How do reputational threats affect agency outputs? We undertake quantitative and qualitative analyses of reputation and outputs data regarding the fight against welfare fraud by the main service delivery agency for the Australian government in the field of social policy. We find that an agency{\textquoteright}s response to reputational threats is endogenously differential both within the set of agency outputs and between agency outputs and other activities (a pattern we termed\ responsive change\ ). For the former, we find that when an agency output is below average, negative media coverage leads to an increase in output in the following year. However, this relationship is nullified for agency outputs that are about average and is reversed for outputs that are above average, that is, these outputs tend to decrease following negative media coverage. For the latter, we find that when a reputational threat is joined by a general above average level of outputs, the agency{\textquoteright}s drive for change is likely to be channeled into activities other than the number of units of service delivered (e.g., public relations, community engagements, stakeholder consultations, etc.).
}, author = {Maor, Moshe and Raanan Sulitzeanu-Kenan} } @inbook {69441, title = {Strategic Silence}, booktitle = {The SAGE Encyclopedia of Corporate Reputation}, year = {2016}, pages = {822-824}, publisher = {Sage}, organization = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, California}, author = {Maor, Moshe}, editor = {Craig E. Carroll} } @article {69212, title = { Large-Scale Social Protest: A Business Risk and a Bureaucratic Opportunity }, journal = {Governance}, volume = {29}, year = {2016}, pages = {371-392}, abstract = {

The public versus private nature of organizations influences their goals, processes, and employee values. However, existing studies have not analyzed whether and how the public nature of organizations shapes their responses to concrete social pressures. This article takes a first step toward addressing this gap by comparing the communication strategies of public organizations and businesses in response to large-scale social protests. Specifically, we conceptualize, theorize, and empirically analyze the communication strategies of 100 organizations in response to large-scale social protests that took place in Israel during 2011. We find that in response to these protests, public organizations tended to employ a {\textquotedblleft}positive-visibility{\textquotedblright} strategy, whereas businesses were inclined to keep a {\textquotedblleft}low public profile.{\textquotedblright} We associate these different communication strategies with the relatively benign consequences of large-scale social protests for public organizations compared with their high costs for businesses.

}, author = {Gilad, Sharon and Saar Alon-Barkat and Alexandr Braverman} } @article {69213, title = { Political control or legitimacy deficit? Bureaucracies\&$\#$39; symbolic responses to bottom-up public pressures }, journal = {Policy \& Politics}, volume = {44}, year = {2016}, pages = {41-58}, abstract = {

Public administration research has thus far focused on the responses of bureaucracies to top-down pressures by elected politicians. By comparison, bureaucracies{\textquoteright} responses to bottom-up public pressures, such as media coverage and social protest, and the micro-mechanisms that underlie the variation in their response, have received less attention. This study contributes to current literature by analysing the extent to which subjection to political control shapes the direct response of bureaucracies to bottom-up public pressures. Based on current literature, we explore two distinct micro-mechanisms: on the one hand, building, inter alia, on principal{\textendash}agent theory, we would expect higher levels of political control to render bureaucracies more attentive to public pressures in order to preempt intervention by politicians who are reliant on public support (the principal{\textendash}agent mechanism). Conversely, building on regulation theory, we would expect autonomous agencies to exhibit their attentiveness to salient public pressures in order to compensate for their precarious democratic legitimacy (the legitimacy-deficit mechanism). Empirically, we analyse the responses of a diverse set of 36 bureaucracies to the unprecedented social protests that took place in Israel during 2011. We focus on bureaucracies{\textquoteright}, including independent agencies{\textquoteright}, symbolic responses via advertising campaigns. Our analysis shows that higher levels of political control enhanced the inclination of bureaucracies to engage in symbolic interactions in response to the social protests, supporting our extended version of the principal{\textendash}agent model.

}, author = {Saar Alon-Barkat and Gilad, Sharon} } @article {69192, title = { The ethics of academic boycott }, journal = {Journal of Politics}, volume = {78}, year = {2016}, pages = {642-652}, abstract = {

This article asks whether an academic boycott is morally justified. It does not relate to the question whether academia and politics should be mixed. Instead, relying on the case study of the debate surrounding the academic boycott of Israeli academia by British, and later American academics, the article analyzes the various arguments applying analytical political philosophy tools. Broadly speaking two families of arguments{\textemdash}consequentialist and deontological{\textemdash}are found. Consequentialist arguments rely on three psychological, sociological, and political assumptions that are false and make them counterproductive (bearing in mind the overall goal declared by the boycott promoters). Despite some initial appeal, the deontological arguments also fail, at least to a certain extent, to justify the boycott. Finally I discuss what I call {\textquotedblleft}selective boycotting.{\textquotedblright}

}, author = {Avner de Shalit} }