Norwich L, Burstein A. From a Whisper to a Scream: The Politicization of The Ethiopian Community in Israel. Israel Studies. 2018;23 (2) :25-50.Abstract

The article explores the political mobilization of the Ethiopian minority of Israel. Utilizing the 2015 Ethiopian protests as illustrative of larger political trends undergone by the minority, we utilize the tools of social movement theory to unpack the two-month long protest wave. Specifically, we address why the protests occurred, how they developed, and where and when they emerged, by exploring the grievances framing the protests, the collective’s
mobilizing infrastructure, and processes of local and international diffusion and emulation. The results highlight the ongoing and emerging trends and developments within the Ethiopian minority, situating the events within a larger process of politicization.

Arikan G, Ben-Nun Bloom P. Religion and Political Protest: A Cross-Country Analysis. Comparative Political Studies. 2018.Abstract
Religion’s effect on individual tendency to engage in political protest is influenced both by the resources available to citizens at the individual level and opportunities provided to religious groups and organizations at the country level. Combining data from last two waves of the World Values Surveys with aggregate data on religious regulation, we show that private religious beliefs reduce an individual’s protest potential while involvement in religious social networks fosters it. At the country level, we find that government regulation of religion decreases individual tendency to protest, and has an especially detrimental effect on the likelihood of religious minorities joining peaceful protest activities. These findings are in line with opportunity structure theories that stress the importance of system openness for fostering political protest.
Hazan RY, Itzkovitch-Malka R, Rahat G. Electoral Systems in Context: Israel. בתוך: Herron ES, Pekkanen RJ, Shugart MS Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2018. 'עמ. 581-600.
Hazan RY, Itzkovitch-Malka R. Mind the Gap. בתוך: Boatright R Routledge Handbook of Primary Elections. Routledge Handbook of Primary Elections. London: Routledge ; 2018. 'עמ. 323-334.
Hazan RY, Friedberg C. Political Parties and Parliamentary Politics. בתוך: Peters J, Pinfolds R Understanding Israel: Political, Societal and Security Challenges. Understanding Israel: Political, Societal and Security Challenges. London: Routledge ; 2018. 'עמ. 62-80.
Burstein A. Armies of God, Armies of Men: A Global Comparison of Secular and Religious Terror Organizations. Terrorism and Political Violence. 2018;30 (1) :1-21.Abstract


This article compares the violent activity of secular and religious terror organizations. Utilizing data compiled by the Global Terrorism Database cross-referenced with secondary and primary sources regarding the degree of religious components embedded in organizations’ ideologies, it tests the violent patterns of activity carried out by organizations guided by predominantly secular, secular/religious, and religious ideologies, between the years 1970 and 2012. The findings confirm that a) religious ideology correlates with specific, more deadly, attack tactics and violent patterns; and b) the degree of religious components within terror organizational ideology should be tested along a spectrum: the more religious an organization is, the more attacks it tends to carry out, and the deadlier its attacks become.


Rahat G, Kenig O. From Party Politics to Personalized Politics? Party Change and Political Personalization in Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Burstein A. Ideological Rigidity and Flexibility of Secular and Religious Terror Groups: The Case of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Hamas. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 2018;41 (9) :696-721.Abstract

This article explores the ideological rigidity of secular and religious terror groups. Analyzing leaflets disseminated by two Palestinian groups during the First Intifada, it examines if and how each shifted its identity and goals in response to repression, political shifts, or resource changes. The results suggest that while similar catalysts led to ideological reformation among the secular and the religious group, the extent of ideological change within the religious group was more limited. The article argues for the need to disaggregate ideological analysis further in order to identify more subtle shifts, alterations, and omissions, in the positions held by religious terror groups, moving past the exploration of if such changes exist in ideological templates and instead focusing on the extent and type of alterations the different groups allow.

Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G ed. The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. (Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G). Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Rahat G, Zamir S. Personalized Politics Online. בתוך: The Personalization of Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties. The Personalization of Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties. ECPR Press, Rowman & Littlefield ; 2018. 'עמ. 103-124.
Rahat G, Cross WP. Political Parties and Candidate Selection. בתוך: Thompson WR Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. ; 2018.
Rahat G. Political Reform in Israel. בתוך: Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2018.
Inbar D, Barak O. Revenge of the Jobniks: A Critical Analysis of Daily Resistance of Soldiers to the Military in Contemporary Israeli Cinema. Public Sphere. 2018;14 :123-144.
Barak O. Security Networks, Deep States, and the Democratic Deficit in the Middle East. Middle East Journal. 2018;72 (3) :447-467.Abstract


This article argues that part of the reason why some Middle Eastern states remain democratically challenged is the emergence, operation, and political influence of "security networks" and "deep states"—informal actors in the area of national security. The article explains what these actors are, situates them in a broad theoretical and comparative perspective, assesses their impact on democratic development, and provides examples from Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, and Egypt.


Maor M. Rhetoric and doctrines of policy over- and underreactions in times of crisis . Policy & Politics. 2018;46 (1) :47-63.Abstract
This article distinguishes between disproportionate policy response by error (bounded rationality) and disproportionate response by choice, and advances a further distinction of such choices between two disproportionate policy options, namely, rhetoric and doctrine. Probing the 'plausibility' of these terms, the article presents pertinent illustrations drawn from the military, financial and environmental domains in the US, Britain, Israel, Australia, Singapore and the European Union. These illustrations show that, during pre-crisis and in-crisis periods, both options can be purposefully designed to signal policymakers' preference and/or to deliver the disproportionate responses in pursuit of policy goals.
ברנע אבנר. את זאת לא צפינו. רסלינג; 2018.
Gilad S, Ben-Nun Bloom P, Assouline M. Bureaucrats' processing of organizational reputation signals. Journal of Behavioral Public Administration . 2018.Abstract

Notwithstanding the significance of a positive bureaucratic reputation, the average bureau functions amidst deep-rooted public hostility. Bureaucracy bashing presumably weakens public sector employees' commitment to their bureaus, which is known to undermine public sector performance. Motivated by these concerns, this paper investigates whether exogenous signals regarding a bureau's reputation affect the organizational attachment - identification and commitment - of its employees, and the variation in employee responses. Employing an experiment at an Israeli welfare bureaucracy, we show that the organizational attachment of employees who feel central and influential within the bureau is unshaken, and even reinforced, in response to negative reputation signals. Conversely, employees who feel marginal and powerless are receptive to both negative and positive reputation signals. The implications of these findings are that public organizations can buffer their employees from the detrimental effects of negative reputation signals, yet by so doing they may shut out justified scrutiny and demands for change.

Gilad S, Alon‐Barkat S. Enhancing democracy via bureaucracy: Senior managers' social identities and motivation for policy change. Governance. 2018;31 (2) :359-380.Abstract

This article challenges the depiction of bureaucracy as a hurdle to democratic responsiveness. It proposes that senior civil servants' (SCSs) dual position as professionals and citizens may enhance government permeability to salient public agendas. Building on social identity theory, we argue that salient public agendas may arouse SCSs' social identification with in‐groups and thereby elicit their motivation for policy change within their task domain. Employing a mixed‐methods design, we analyze SCSs' social identification with the participants of the large‐scale social protests that took place in Israel during the summer of 2011, and their motivation for policy change in response to the protest agenda. We find that SCSs' social identification with the protesters enhanced their motivation for policy change. In addition, SCSs' perception of a conflict between responsiveness to the protest agenda and their organizational or professional identities shaped their preferences for policy solutions more than their motivation for policy change.

de Shalit A. Cities and Immigration . Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Avnon D. BDS and Self-Righteous Moralists . בתוך: Anti-Zionism on Campus: The University, Free Speech and BDS. Anti-Zionism on Campus: The University, Free Speech and BDS. Bloomington: Indiana University Press ; 2018. 'עמ. 43-57.Abstract


Dan Avnon tells of his experience with the BDS movement in Australia. His political work for equality and human rights for all citizens of Israel notwithstanding, he became the target of a very public, if personal, boycott by the director of the University of Sydney’s Center for Peace Studies, just because he is an Israeli. This episode demonstrates that the peaceful, social justice declarations of the BDS movement are disingenuous, that BDS targets all Jewish Israelis as part of its program to ultimately end Israel’s existence. Avnon highlights how overreaction to the incident by the anti-BDS legal organization Shurat HaDinactually undermined the opposition to BDS and criticizes the self-righteous moralism that has come to dominate the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict


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