Publications

2018
Hazan RY, Itzkovitch-Malka R, Rahat G. Electoral Systems in Context: Israel. בתוך: Herron ES, Pekkanen RJ, Shugart MS Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2018. 'עמ. 581-600.
Hazan RY, Itzkovitch-Malka R. Mind the Gap. בתוך: Boatright R Routledge Handbook of Primary Elections. Routledge Handbook of Primary Elections. London: Routledge ; 2018. 'עמ. 323-334.
Hazan RY, Friedberg C. Political Parties and Parliamentary Politics. בתוך: Peters J, Pinfolds R Understanding Israel: Political, Societal and Security Challenges. Understanding Israel: Political, Societal and Security Challenges. London: Routledge ; 2018. 'עמ. 62-80.
Burstein A. Armies of God, Armies of Men: A Global Comparison of Secular and Religious Terror Organizations. Terrorism and Political Violence. 2018;30 (1) :1-21.Abstract

 

This article compares the violent activity of secular and religious terror organizations. Utilizing data compiled by the Global Terrorism Database cross-referenced with secondary and primary sources regarding the degree of religious components embedded in organizations’ ideologies, it tests the violent patterns of activity carried out by organizations guided by predominantly secular, secular/religious, and religious ideologies, between the years 1970 and 2012. The findings confirm that a) religious ideology correlates with specific, more deadly, attack tactics and violent patterns; and b) the degree of religious components within terror organizational ideology should be tested along a spectrum: the more religious an organization is, the more attacks it tends to carry out, and the deadlier its attacks become.

 

Rahat G, Kenig O. From Party Politics to Personalized Politics? Party Change and Political Personalization in Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Burstein A. Ideological Rigidity and Flexibility of Secular and Religious Terror Groups: The Case of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Hamas. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 2018;41 (9) :696-721.Abstract

This article explores the ideological rigidity of secular and religious terror groups. Analyzing leaflets disseminated by two Palestinian groups during the First Intifada, it examines if and how each shifted its identity and goals in response to repression, political shifts, or resource changes. The results suggest that while similar catalysts led to ideological reformation among the secular and the religious group, the extent of ideological change within the religious group was more limited. The article argues for the need to disaggregate ideological analysis further in order to identify more subtle shifts, alterations, and omissions, in the positions held by religious terror groups, moving past the exploration of if such changes exist in ideological templates and instead focusing on the extent and type of alterations the different groups allow.

Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G ed. The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. (Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G). Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Rahat G, Zamir S. Personalized Politics Online. בתוך: The Personalization of Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties. The Personalization of Democratic Politics and the Challenge for Political Parties. ECPR Press, Rowman & Littlefield ; 2018. 'עמ. 103-124.
Rahat G, Cross WP. Political Parties and Candidate Selection. בתוך: Thompson WR Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. ; 2018.
Rahat G. Political Reform in Israel. בתוך: Hazan RY, Dowty A, Hofnung M, Rahat G The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2018.
Inbar D, Barak O. Revenge of the Jobniks: A Critical Analysis of Daily Resistance of Soldiers to the Military in Contemporary Israeli Cinema. Public Sphere. 2018;14 :123-144.
Barak O. Security Networks, Deep States, and the Democratic Deficit in the Middle East. Middle East Journal. 2018;72 (3) :447-467.Abstract

 

This article argues that part of the reason why some Middle Eastern states remain democratically challenged is the emergence, operation, and political influence of "security networks" and "deep states"—informal actors in the area of national security. The article explains what these actors are, situates them in a broad theoretical and comparative perspective, assesses their impact on democratic development, and provides examples from Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, and Egypt.

 

Maor M. Rhetoric and doctrines of policy over- and underreactions in times of crisis . Policy & Politics. 2018;46 (1) :47-63.Abstract
This article distinguishes between disproportionate policy response by error (bounded rationality) and disproportionate response by choice, and advances a further distinction of such choices between two disproportionate policy options, namely, rhetoric and doctrine. Probing the 'plausibility' of these terms, the article presents pertinent illustrations drawn from the military, financial and environmental domains in the US, Britain, Israel, Australia, Singapore and the European Union. These illustrations show that, during pre-crisis and in-crisis periods, both options can be purposefully designed to signal policymakers' preference and/or to deliver the disproportionate responses in pursuit of policy goals.
ברנע אבנר. את זאת לא צפינו. רסלינג; 2018.
Gilad S, Ben-Nun Bloom P, Assouline M. Bureaucrats' processing of organizational reputation signals. Journal of Behavioral Public Administration . 2018.Abstract

Notwithstanding the significance of a positive bureaucratic reputation, the average bureau functions amidst deep-rooted public hostility. Bureaucracy bashing presumably weakens public sector employees' commitment to their bureaus, which is known to undermine public sector performance. Motivated by these concerns, this paper investigates whether exogenous signals regarding a bureau's reputation affect the organizational attachment - identification and commitment - of its employees, and the variation in employee responses. Employing an experiment at an Israeli welfare bureaucracy, we show that the organizational attachment of employees who feel central and influential within the bureau is unshaken, and even reinforced, in response to negative reputation signals. Conversely, employees who feel marginal and powerless are receptive to both negative and positive reputation signals. The implications of these findings are that public organizations can buffer their employees from the detrimental effects of negative reputation signals, yet by so doing they may shut out justified scrutiny and demands for change.

Gilad S, Alon‐Barkat S. Enhancing democracy via bureaucracy: Senior managers' social identities and motivation for policy change. Governance. 2018;31 (2) :359-380.Abstract

This article challenges the depiction of bureaucracy as a hurdle to democratic responsiveness. It proposes that senior civil servants' (SCSs) dual position as professionals and citizens may enhance government permeability to salient public agendas. Building on social identity theory, we argue that salient public agendas may arouse SCSs' social identification with in‐groups and thereby elicit their motivation for policy change within their task domain. Employing a mixed‐methods design, we analyze SCSs' social identification with the participants of the large‐scale social protests that took place in Israel during the summer of 2011, and their motivation for policy change in response to the protest agenda. We find that SCSs' social identification with the protesters enhanced their motivation for policy change. In addition, SCSs' perception of a conflict between responsiveness to the protest agenda and their organizational or professional identities shaped their preferences for policy solutions more than their motivation for policy change.

de Shalit A. Cities and Immigration . Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.
Avnon D. BDS and Self-Righteous Moralists . בתוך: Anti-Zionism on Campus: The University, Free Speech and BDS. Anti-Zionism on Campus: The University, Free Speech and BDS. Bloomington: Indiana University Press ; 2018. 'עמ. 43-57.Abstract

 

Dan Avnon tells of his experience with the BDS movement in Australia. His political work for equality and human rights for all citizens of Israel notwithstanding, he became the target of a very public, if personal, boycott by the director of the University of Sydney’s Center for Peace Studies, just because he is an Israeli. This episode demonstrates that the peaceful, social justice declarations of the BDS movement are disingenuous, that BDS targets all Jewish Israelis as part of its program to ultimately end Israel’s existence. Avnon highlights how overreaction to the incident by the anti-BDS legal organization Shurat HaDinactually undermined the opposition to BDS and criticizes the self-righteous moralism that has come to dominate the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict

 

Zoizner A. The Consequences of Strategic News Coverage for Democracy: A Meta-Analysis. Communication Research. 2018.Abstract

One of the most dominant ways of covering politics in the media is by focusing on politicians’ strategies for gaining public support and their positions at the polls. The conventional wisdom is that this tendency—usually referred to as strategic, horse race, or game coverage—has negative consequences for democracy because it increases political alienation. Others argue, however, that the public’s attraction to strategic coverage improves knowledge about issues and encourages civic engagement. This study examines the consequences of strategic coverage by performing a meta-analysis of published and unpublished studies. Based on 54 findings from 32 studies and 38,658 respondents, I show that across studies and contexts, strategic coverage increases political cynicism (d = 0.32), reduces substance-based political knowledge (d = −0.31), and discourages positive evaluations regarding the news items (d = −0.22). However, there is no evidence that this coverage erodes participation. These findings correspond with scholars’ previous concerns.

Hochner N. On social rhythm: A renewed assessment of Van Gennep’s Rites of Passage. Journal of Classical Sociology. 2018.Abstract

Contrary to most readers who have emphasized the notions of passage or liminality, I demonstrate in this study that Van Gennep’s Rites de passage is articulated around the four notions of sequences, margins, passages, and schema. Subsequently, the main claim of this article is to propose the idea of social kinesis—or social rhythm—as the crux of Van Gennep’s theory. Such a fresh reappraisal of Van Gennep is also an opportunity to show how Pierre Bourdieu sought for social laws and regularities in a rather deterministic fashion, and completely overlooked Van Gennep’s idea of motion. More importantly, this article is an invitation to reconsider Van Gennep’s epistemological approach as a bridge between the social and the life sciences. Indeed, Van Gennep’s so-called méthode des séquences emerges from a dialogue between the social sciences and biology on the one hand, and with cosmology on the other. Indeed, I illuminate how Van Gennep investigated the enigmas of social life and dynamics within the framework of his understanding of metabolism and regenerative processes.

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