Publications

2017
van Atteveldt W, Sheafer T, Shenhav SR, Fogel-Dror Y. Clause Analysis: Using Syntactic Information to Automatically Extract Source, Subject, and Predicate from Texts with an Application to the 2008–2009 Gaza War . Political Analysis. 2017;25 (2) :207-222.Abstract

This article presents a new method and open source R package that uses syntactic information to automatically extract source–subject–predicate clauses. This improves on frequency-based text analysis methods by dividing text into predicates with an identified subject and optional source, extracting the statements and actions of (political) actors as mentioned in the text. The content of these predicates can be analyzed using existing frequency-based methods, allowing for the analysis of actions, issue positions and framing by different actors within a single text. We show that a small set of syntactic patterns can extract clauses and identify quotes with good accuracy, significantly outperforming a baseline system based on word order. Taking the 2008–2009 Gaza war as an example, we further show how corpus comparison and semantic network analysis applied to the results of the clause analysis can show differences in citation and framing patterns between U.S. and English-language Chinese coverage of this war.

Schvarcz B. Democracy and Judaism in Leon Roth’s Action and Thought {Hebrew]. Judaism, Sovereignty and Human Rights. 2017;3 :136-166.
Gidron N, Hall PA. The Politics of Social Status: Economic and Cultural Roots of the PopulistRight . British Journal of Sociology. 2017;68 (S1) :57-84.Abstract

This paper explores the factors that have recently increased support for candidates and causes of the populist right across the developed democracies, especially among a core group of working‐class men. In the context of debates about whether the key causal factors are economic or cultural, we contend that an effective analysis must rest on understanding how economic and cultural developments interact to generate support for populism. We suggest that one way to do so is to see status anxiety as a proximate factor inducing support for populism, and economic and cultural developments as factors that combine to precipitate such anxiety. Using cross‐national survey data from 20 developed democracies, we assess the viability of this approach. We show that lower levels of subjective social status are associated with support for right populist parties, identify a set of economic and cultural developments likely to have depressed the social status of men without a college education, and show that the relative social status of those men has declined since 1987 in many of the developed democracies. We conclude that status effects provide one pathway through which economic and cultural developments may combine to increase support for the populist right.

Horne C, Bloom PB‐N, Irwin K, Miodownik D, Hechter M. The Legitimacy of Alien Rulers. Swiss Political Science Review. 2017;22 (4) :454-469.Abstract

In the modern world, alien rulers are generally perceived to lack legitimacy. Political legitimacy is important because it is thought to be the principal alternative to coercive institutions. Little empirical evidence supports these claims, however. We devise a laboratory experiment that isolates alienness from other ruler characteristics. The experiment tests whether alien rulers have less legitimacy than native rulers, and whether the ability to punish compensates for this disadvantage. Using American and Israeli college student samples, we find that alien rulers receive less compliance than native rulers, and that the ability to punish does not allow alien rulers to “catch‐up” with native rulers.

Itzkovitch-Malka R, Hazan RY. Unpacking Party Unity: The Combined Effects of Electoral Systems and Candidate Selection Methods on Legislative Attitudes and Behavioural Norms. Political Studies. 2017;65 (2) :452-474.Abstract

 

This article analyses the effect of electoral systems, candidate selection methods and the interplay between them on individual legislative attitudes and behavioural norms, specifically on two facets of party unity: party agreement and party loyalty. Our main argument is that one must take into account the effect of inter- as well as intra-party competition, and the interaction between the two, in order to explain individual legislative attitudes and norms. Using data from 34 European parties across 10 countries, we show that under exclusive candidate selection methods, there are large differences between proportional representation and single-member district electoral systems in their effect on party agreement and party loyalty. Under inclusive candidate selection methods, however, such differences are much less apparent. In other words, the candidate selection method conditions the influence of the electoral system on legislative attitudes and behavioural norms.

 

Cross W, Gauja A, Pruysers S. Candidate Selection Rules and Democratic Outcomes: The Impact of Parties on Women’s Representation. בתוך: Rahat G, Scarrow S, Webb PD, Poguntke T Organizing Representation: Political Parties, Participation, and Power. Organizing Representation: Political Parties, Participation, and Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2017. 'עמ. 208-233.
Shamir M, Rahat G ed. The Elections in Israel 2015. (Shamir M, Rahat G). Jerusalem: Israel Democracy Institute; 2017.
Shamir M, Rahat G ed. The Elections in Israel 2015. (Shamir M, Rahat G). New York: Transaction Books; 2017.
Hazan RY, Itzkovitch-Malka R, Rahat G. Electoral Systems in Context: Israel. בתוך: Herron E, Pekkanen R, Shugart MS The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2017. 'עמ. 581-600.
Rahat G, Shapira A. An Intra-Party Democracy Index: Theory, Design and a Demonstration. Parliamentary Affairs. 2017;70 (1) :84-110.Abstract

 

This article presents a new index for a comprehensive and systematic measurement of the level of intra-party democracy (IPD). The proposed index is designed on the basis of a comparison with state-level democracy and previous attempts to measure IPD. It examines five dimensions: participation, representation, competition, responsiveness and transparency. The way each dimension is measured is explained and justified on the basis of the procedure of its design and democratic theory. Its application and potential contribution to the analysis of democracy and party politics is demonstrated through its use to comparatively evaluate the level of internal democracy in political parties in Israel; and through examining several hypotheses concerning the relationship between party characteristics and their level of IPD and the relationship between the various dimensions of IPD.

 

Mandelkern R, Rahat G. Parties and Labour Federations in Israel. בתוך: Allern EH, Bale T Centre-Left Parties and Trade Unions in the Twenty-First Century. Centre-Left Parties and Trade Unions in the Twenty-First Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press ; 2017. 'עמ. 144-169.
Zamir S, Rahat G. Political Personalization Online: Parties and Politicians in the 2015 Elections. בתוך: Shamir M, Rahat G The Elections in Israel 2015. The Elections in Israel 2015. New York: Transaction Books ; 2017.
Barak O. State Expansion and Conflict: In and Between Israel/Palestine and Lebanon. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press; 2017.
Maor M. Disproportionate Policy Response. בתוך: The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. ; 2017.
Tosun J, Jordan A, Maor M. Governing climate change: the (dis)proportionality of policy responses . Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning . 2017;19 (6) :596-598.
Maor M. The implications of the emerging disproportionate policy perspective for the new policy design studies. Policy Sciences. 2017;50 (3) :383-398.Abstract

 

This paper articulates the disproportionate policy perspective and uses it to mount four challenges for the new policy design orientation. First, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, disproportionate policy options may be systematically designed, and at times, successfully implemented. Second, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, there are certain conditions under which policymakers may tend to develop effective response, with cost considerations becoming only secondary in importance if at all (read, policy overreaction), or cost-conscious response, with effectiveness considerations becoming only secondary in importance if at all (read, policy underreaction). Third, in contrast to the new policy design thinking, disproportionate policy options may be designed for purposes other than implementation (e.g., to be used as signaling devices or as context-setters). Fourth, in contrast to new policy design thinking, there are certain conditions under which the emotional arena of policy may be equally, if not more, important than the substantive one. The paper concludes that so far the literature on new policy design has not responded to the emergence of the disproportionate policy perspective, but a robust research agenda awaits those answering this paper’s call for action.

 

Abu-ʿUksa W. Lives of Frankish Princes from al-Ṣafadī’s Biographical Dictionary, al-wāfī bil-wafayāt . Mediterranean Historical Review. 2017;32 (1) :83-104.Abstract

This article endeavours to bring to the English reader unpublished historical sources about Frankish figuers in the fourteenth century biographical dictionary al-Wāfī bil-wafayāt. This work, one of the largest biographical dictionaries in the history of the genre in Arabic, was written by Khalīl b. Aibak Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, al-Ṣafadī who was born in 1297 to a Mamluk father and a respected amir of the Mamluk military troops in Ṣafad. This article analyse nine biographies of Frankish historical figures and endeavours to answer the question: how original were al-Ṣafadī’s biographies on Frankish princes?

Maor M. Policy entrepreneurs in policy valuation processes: The case of the Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies . Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy. 2017;35 :1407-1417.Abstract

Policy problems and solutions are frequently loaded with moral, emotional and cost-effectiveness components as well as with other ideational and symbolic elements in order to provide them with, or deprive them of, significance. Skillful policy entrepreneurs are key actors in this valuation process which results in policy problems and solutions becoming valued, overvalued or undervalued. Drawing on insights from the sociology of valuation, this article distinguishes between four types of policy entrepreneurs – defined by the particular strategies they pursue – that may be involved in this process: norm entrepreneurs, reputation entrepreneurs, meaning entrepreneursand standards and performance metrics entrepreneurs. The article elaborates on the role of these actors in the policy valuation process and the interactive nature of their activities. It thereafter illustrates their activities by elaborating on the valuation strategies pursued by the Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies, which led several European governments to provide financial support for the Carbon Disclosure Project.

Maor M, Mukherjee I. Policy Overreaction Doctrine: From Ideal-Type to Context-Sensitive Solution in Times of Crisis . בתוך: Howlett M Handbook of Policy Formulation. Handbook of Policy Formulation. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar ; 2017.
Maor M, Tosun J, Jordan A. Proportionate and disproportionate policy responses to climate change: core concepts and empirical applications . Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning. 2017;19 (6) :599-611.Abstract
A fresh perspective on policy-making and planning has emerged which views disproportionate policy as an intentional policy response. A disproportionate policy response is understood to be a lack of ‘fit’ or balance between the costs of a public policy and the benefits that are derived from this policy, and between policy ends and means. This paper applies this new perspective on the proportionality of policy-making to the area of climate change. The first part of the paper discusses the underlying causes of disproportionate policy responses in broad terms and then applies the theoretical reasoning to understand the conditions in which they are likely to appear in relation to climate change. These conditions are hypothesized to relate to four main factors: economic considerations; levels of public demand; focusing events; and strategic considerations. It concludes with the suggestion that societal actors may be able to manipulate these four factors to encourage politicians to adopt policies that mitigate climate change more rapidly than is currently the case in most countries.
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