כ"ץ ישראל, טלשיר גיילר ed.
מגדלור או מגדל שן? האקדמיה הישראלית בין פתיחות מאתגרת להסתגרות מתגוננת. (
כ"ץ ישראל, טלשיר גיילר). תל אביב: רסלינג; 2019.
תקצירבספר זה קובצו שלושה עשר מאמרים מקוריים אשר מנסים לבחון תהליכים באקדמיה הישראלית במבט צופה עתיד, תוך בחינה של תרחישים אפשריים חלופיים; כל זאת בפרספקטיבה של "למידה לאורך החיים", במאמץ לבחון כיצד תהליכים עולמיים וכאלה המסתמנים בחברה הישראלית משפיעים על האקדמיה בישראל אשר מנסה להישאר רלוונטית בדרכי פעולתה. האתגר של האקדמיה הישראלית הוא להישאר משפיעה ונוכחת, כלומר להשכיל לשלב משימות של שימור והנחלה של ידע קיים לצד יצירה והפצה של ידע משמעותי חדש.
מאמרי הספר בוחנים מגמות באקדמיה לסוגיה ואת דרכי פעולתה, תוך מתן ביטוי לקהלים פוטנציאליים שונים: קבוצות אוכלוסייה שונות, הסקטור העסקי, השיח הדמוקרטי ושיח הזכויות, מערכת החינוך, החדשנות הטכנולוגית ועוד. כל זאת מתוך מאמץ לברר כיצד ההקשר המדיני, החברתי והכלכלי של הזמן הזה הם בגדר משפיעים ומושפעים כאחת במפגש עם האקדמיה. מאמרי הספר נותנים ביטוי למתח בין ניסיונה של האקדמיה לשמש מגדלור המציע אור ומתווה דרך, לבין האפשרות להיות מגדל שן מסתגר ומתגונן לנוכח האיומים שמסביב. לכתיבת הספר חברו אנשי אקדמיה מובהקים לצד מי שפועלים בשדות שונים, תוך מתן ביטוי לכוחות מעצבים ומשתתפים – כאלה שעשויים לסייע בהבנת אתגרי האקדמיה בהקשר רחב.
זמיר שחף, רהט גדעון.
פרסונליזציה פוליטית מקוונת: מפלגות ופוליטיקאים בישראל במבט השוואתי. ירושלים: המכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה; 2019.
תקצירהפוליטיקה בישראל נעשית פחות ופחות מפלגתית ויותר ויותר אישית. מתחולל בה תהליך של פרסונליזציה פוליטית, שבו משקלו הפוליטי של השחקן היחיד בזירה הפוליטית עולה וחשיבותה של המפלגה יורדת. בעידן שבו חלק גדול מהפוליטיקה מתרחש בזירה המקוונת נשאלת השאלה אם הפוליטיקה האישית משועתקת גם לשם.
Kosti N, Levi‐Faur D.
The Coproduction of Primary and Secondary Legislation: Israel as a Case Study of Substitutive Relationships
. Law & Policy. 2019;41 (4) :432-45.
Abstract
Much has been written since the early 1980s about the costs of regulation and the various ways to curb them, but thus far no one has examined empirically the rise or decline of other forms of legislation, mainly primary legislation, in the context of the “war on regulation.” This article examines the extent to which the decline in the rate of production of secondary legislation in Israel since 1985 has been driven by changes in the rate of production of primary legislation. Using an original longitudinal data set, we count, codify various dimensions, and compare the type and length of primary and secondary legislations and the number of delegated provisions that primary legislations contain. We find that the relationship between primary and secondary legislation is not hierarchic, as one might have expected, but has become partially substitutive. The decline in the rate of production of secondary legislation in Israel is, perhaps paradoxically, associated with the rise of primary legislation. This opens a new research agenda on the relationships between primary and secondary legislation that goes well beyond the Israeli case.
Pedersen HH, Rahat G.
Introduction: Political personalization and personalized politics within and beyond the behavioural arena. Party Politics. 2019.
AbstractOur aim is to propose guidelines for the analysis of political personalization and personalized politics in general and for behavioural personalization in particular. The first guideline is based on our understanding that personalization comes at the cost of party politics. It suggests that in order to classify politics as more or less personalized, we must compare it to an alternative party-oriented politics. Based on a synthesis of existing theoretical work, the second guideline suggests three analytical dimensions to clarify the multidimensional concept of personalization: arena, level and character. Arena refers to where personalization takes place; level refers to whose power or independence is changing; and character refers to how personalization is manifested. Furthermore, we present the contributions of this special issue and explain how they follow the two guidelines and advance our understanding and knowledge of behavioural political personalization.
Elazar Y, Rousselière G ed.
Republicanism and the Future of Democracy. (
Elazar Y, Rousselière G). Cambridge : Cambridge University Press; 2019.
Abstract
Democracies are in crisis. Can republican theory contribute to reforming our political norms and institutions? The 'neo-republican turn' has seen scholars using the classical republican tradition in reconstructing and developing a vision of public life as an alternative to liberalism. This volume offers new perspectives from leading scholars on how republicanism can help transform democratic theory and respond to some of its most pressing challenges. Drawing on this recent revival of republican political thought, its chapters reflect on such issues as the republican definition of freedom as nondomination and its relation to democracy and populism, the ideal of the common good, domination in the workplace and in the family, republicanism in a globalized world, and radical republican politics. It will appeal to researchers and students in political theory, political philosophy and the history of ideas, and anyone interested in gaining greater insight into the prospects and challenges of republican democracy in today's world.
Wharton L.
Is the Party Over? How Israel Lost Its Social Agenda
. Yad Levi Eshkol; 2019.
Abstractהספר עוסק במדיניות החברתית בישראל בשנים 1965-1977 ובבדיקה היסטורית של התהליך שמוכר במדינות רבות: שינוי בסדרי עדיפות שמביא לקיצוצים והתעלמות מבעיות חברתיות. לרוב ההסברים לכך הם דטרמיניסטים: מדינות הרווחה היו אדיבות מדי ולא כלכליות, ונעלמו בגלל אימוץ של גישה כלכלית יותר "מציאותית" ופחות "נאיבית". טיעונים אלה משתלבים עם טיעונים שלאידיאולוגיה אין מקום במערכות פוליטיות מודרניות.
ספר זה מציג הסבר אחר: מפלגות עם סדר יום חברתי לא שינו את האידיאולוגיה, אלא איבדו את היכולת להוציאה לפעול בגלל קריסה של המבנה של מפלגות. אפשר גם לומר, שלא סוף האידיאולוגיה הביא להידרדרות של מפלגות וקריסתן אלא שעם קריסה של מפלגות אבדה היכולת לממש סדר יום חברתי. דבר המייחד את ישראל במקרה הזה הוא המכה הקשה שספגה המפלגה השולטת – מפלגת העבודה – בגלל מלחמת יום הכיפורים ואי-יכולתה להגיע להכרעה בעניין עתיד השטחים. מדיניות החוץ המורכבת המשיכה להלום בכל המערכת הפוליטית גם לאחר מכן. מעבר לכך, נטען בספר שאי-אפשר להמשיך את ההפרדה בין המחקר של אידיאולוגיות והמחקר של מוסדות: תרומתו של ספר זה הוא בחשיפת התהליך והקשר בין רעיונות והכלי שמוביל אותם.
Alimi EY, Maney GM, Burstein A.
Beyond the media’s radar: Introducing the Intifada Non-Media-Based Dataset. International Interactions. 2019.
Abstract
This article presents the Intifada Non-Media-Based Dataset (INMBD). Drawing primarily on the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) daily field reports, the INMBD contains day-level observations of wide-ranging types, modes, and forms of contentious events involving multitudes of parties and actors in the Israeli-Palestinian cycle of contention, known as the First Intifada (1987–1993). Each event – defined as a collective action, claim, message, or decision that pertain explicitly and directly to systems of authority that institutionally structure ethno-nationalist relations – comes with a date, short description, type, location, actors involved, and whether the events result in injury, fatality, and damage to property. After making a case for a new dataset, presenting the particularities of the dataset’s sources, structure, inclusion and coding rules, and discussing its limitations, we offer a descriptive illustration of the dataset’s potential uses, specifically an elaboration of the association between state repression and insurgent violence. The richness and distinctness of information INMBD contains facilitate the identification of the multifaceted, contingent, polyadic, and context-sensitive dynamics of cycles of conflict and contention.
Abu-ʿUksa W.
Imagining modernity: the language and genealogy of modernity in nineteenth-century Arabic. Middle Eastern Studies. 2019;55 (5) :1-12.
Abstract
This article employs the methodology of conceptual history to contest two of the most common theoretical approaches dominating our understanding of modernity in the field of Middle Eastern studies. The first approach relies on the assumption of incompatibility between modernity and Islam and captures Arab modernity using concepts such as ‘adoption’. The second understands Arab modernity through concepts such as ‘imitation’, contending that it is a legacy of Western imperialism. This article challenges both theories by examining the genealogy of tamaddun(civilization, being civilized), a pivotal concept used in nineteenth-century Arabic to imagine modernity. The genealogy of tamaddun elucidates that medieval paradigms derived from the concept of madina (polity) were rediscovered, reimagined, and reused in the context of the rise of the nation-state and the challenge of Western imperialism. The article suggests understanding Arab modernity and its critique from within, rather than outside of, the temporality of the historical condition.
Abu-ʿUksa W.
The Construction of the Concepts "Democracy" and "Republic" in Arabic in the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean, 1798–1878. Journal of the History of Ideas. 2019;80 (2) :249-270.
Abstract
This article illuminates the construction of the concepts "democracy" and "republic" in the Arabic-speaking regions of the eastern and southern Mediterranean between 1798 and 1878. Examining these ideas through conceptual analysis on two levels, language construction and political discourse, the article reveals the layers these concepts acquired and their reception in the context of state reforms in the Ottoman Empire. While both "democracy" and "republic" evolved in Arabic after the French Revolution and acquired their modern morphological forms and content primarily between the 1820s and 1876, "republic" came into use and was perceived as relevant to local circumstances earlier than "democracy."
Gidron N, Ziblatt D.
Center-Right Political Parties in Advanced Democracies. Annual Review of Political Science. 2019;22 :17-35.
AbstractThis review proposes a comparative research agenda on center-right parties in advanced democracies, bringing together research in American and comparative politics. Political scientists have recently closely examined the decline of the center-left and the rise of the radical right but have paid less attention to the weakening of center-right parties. Yet cohesive center-right parties have facilitated political stability and compromises, while their disintegration has empowered radical challengers. After presenting an overview of right-wing politics in Western democracies and weighing different definitions of the electoral right, we discuss two factors that shape variations in center-right cohesion: organizational robustness of center-right partisan institutions and the (un)bundling of conservative mass attitudes on different policy dimensions. Last, we argue that a full account of the rise of the radical right cannot focus solely on the strategies of the center-left but must incorporate also the choices, opportunities, and constraints of center-right parties.
Hadad O.
A Battle of Names: Hamas and Israeli Operations in the Gaza Strip. Terrorism and Political Violence. 2019.
Abstract
This paper addresses the phenomenon of military operation-naming, that is, the act of giving names to war practices. Based on the four strategies of War Normalizing Discourse theory, I argue that, like nation-states, violent non-state actors also use the tool of naming to disseminate their wartime perceptions and mobilize public opinion for their own interests. Moreover, I argue that in its war-naming efforts the violent non-state actor seeks to defy and undermine the official names of its enemy state, using its own names to expand the physical battlefield to other fields of war and to present itself as an equal and legitimate player. To establish the above arguments, the article presents the case study of Hamas—specifically, the movement’s naming of rounds of fighting against Israel since the beginning of its rule in the Gaza Strip in 2007.
Burstein A.
Challenges of comparatively studying groups: Frame analysis, paired comparisons, and terrorism research. SAGE Research Methods Cases. 2019.
Abstract
Designing a comparative study of groups, movements, and collectives presents significant challenges. Although some of these challenges are undoubtedly case-specific, this research methods case discusses three challenges which will appear, in one form or another, in most comparative projects: identifying measurement units, designing a comparative framework, and collecting and analyzing data. Each of these is discussed by drawing on an example from a study I conducted which compared the ideological rigidity and flexibility of secular and religious terror groups. Drawing on insights from sociology’s social movement theory, from terrorism research, and broadly from qualitative textual analyses, the case guides the reader toward thinking of creative ways to manage such challenges as they develop, based on the specific needs of the study she or he is conducting.